Categorie: Authors

  • Whispers of Vanity: Unmasking the Hopes and Dreams in Wilde’s Classic

    Book Review: The Picture of Dorian Gray


    “He grew more and more enamoured of his own beauty, more and more interested in the corruption of his own soul.”

    The Picture of Dorian Gray is an aesthetic book that is a treat for anyone who enjoys philosophy, literature, and the arts. The book goes into all of these in great detail, while providing the reader with some of the most intense internal conflicts in classic literature. It is a fascinating, absurd, and horrifying story about how a person’s individual interests and vanity can affect not only their life, but that of everyone around them. Oscar Wilde’s focus on beauty, ugliness, youth, old age, and all that comes in between makes this one of his most important pieces to date as well as an essential book to read; by putting all of the reader’s own desires, hopes and dreams in the spotlight, the book calls out our own morality and the importance that we attribute to the vainer things in life, while comparing it to the frivolous, majestic, bon-vivant and careless lifestyle of the careless, the vexed, the one and only: Dorian Gray.

    To understand how this wonderful book relates to the hopes and dreams that are attached to our mode of living, we must first and foremost know what the story is about. The story begins when the artist Basil Hallward presents Lord Henry, his close friend, to Dorian Gray, his most recent muse and fascination. Dorian Gray is captivating young man, known for his remarkable looks and charming way of being. This beauty not only captivates Basil Hallward, who decides to dedicate a large portion of his time to painting Gray, but also Lord Henry, a man of high society who is equally fascinated by Dorian’s youth and beauty. Lord Henry is a very philosophical man, always keen on presenting his interlocutors with debates and creating turmoil within every conversation he has, promoting in himself a sort of intellectual superiority for having access to the greatest books. But despite this interest in intellect, he is still a mere mortal and therefore also very focused on appearances. In fact, he influences Gray, on one of their first encounters, to realize that “when one loses one’s good looks, whatever they may be, one loses everything, [(…]) Youth is the only thing worth having” (Wilde 2012, 26).

    Upon this encounter, where the artist is painting the young man, Basil realizes that this is the best painting he had ever created, and therefore gives the piece to Dorian, his muse. Upon reflecting on the painting, Dorian realizes how truly beautiful and young he is, and wishes to never age himself, and let the man on the painting age and wither away. Locking the painting away, deciding to never see it again, Dorian moves on with his young, promising, desirable and beauty-filled life.

    Fast forward some time, with a formed friendship between Dorian Gray and Lord Henry, one filled with debate and conversations, Dorian falls in love with a beautiful, young actress with the name of Sybil Vane. Vane plays several different classical characters, all of which with such love, sincerity, beauty and earnest that Dorian proposes to her, on a whim. He soon finds out, however, that the person he was in love with is not the innocent Sybil, but the characters she plays. Hurting her to her core, he breaks off their engagement in a very blunt, coarse way.

    Once he returns home, in a fit of introspection, he decides to take another look at the mighty painting that Basil Hallward had painted. Upon this, he finds that the man on the canvas had become uglier than before, forcing him to realize how harshly he has treated the poor girl and attempts to repent. However, the next morning, on preparing to meet her and apologize, he hears that Sybil Vane has tragically died, assumedly taking her own life, due to the heartbreak. Sybil Vane, a girl whose personality was not half as vain as her name, was destroyed by a man who many could consider to be the vainest of them all.

    Indignant with all that had occurred, Dorian attempts to move on with his life when Lord Henry offers him a book, one which soon becomes Dorian’s Bible. The book follows the story of a Frenchman who lives life attending to his every whim and desire, seeking pleasure and new sensations above all else. For the next two decades, in a life full of sin, disgrace, shame, pleasure, bliss, luxury, thrill and immorality, Dorian travels to several places in order to live a life filled with new sensations, as Lord Henry and the book had advised him.

    He returns to his home in London once he is more prominently talked about within his circle. Although he is the object of gossip, people can never truly hate him because his beauty and youth are unmatched and purely supernatural. While his body rejoices and remains the same as 18 years ago, the picture locked away in the hidden room withers and turns as hideous as one can be.

    Eventually, his old friend Basil confronts Dorian on his new ways of life and is aghast when Dorian shows him the painting in his ugliest form, demonstrating Dorian’s true soul. Basil begs Dorian to repent for his sins and to find morality in an immoral life. In a sort of tantrum of agony, rage and frustration, Dorian stabs Basil to death, refusing to forgive him for having created such a horrible creature as the one in the painting.

    He then calls on another friend of his, a doctor, blackmailing him to help dispose of the body. Giving the doctor the time and space to take care of the body he had violently killed, Dorian goes to an opium den. Here, he enters a minor conflict with Sybil Vane’s older brother, James, who tries to avenge his sister’s death. Scared, for having killed a man and been threatened by another, Dorian Gray flees to his estate, where he expects peace and quiet. Dorian eventually finds James there, waiting and lurking on him, prepared for anything. However, in a hunting accident, before Dorian can do anything to protect himself, his own hunting party accidentally shoots James Vane. This finally provides safety for Dorian. While this happens, the doctor friend finds no way of coping with what he had done for Dorian and he, too, takes his own life, for what the bon-vivant had forced him to gruesomely do.

    Once Dorian Gray returns to his home, in a huge house filled with only him, his servants, and an obnoxiously painful reflection of his own life in a locked room. The room is his crime scene, the murder location of one of his closest, oldest friends. Dorian confronts himself, realizing all that he had done, counting all the people who had died because of him. Realizing all the blood that lies on his sinful hands, Dorian picks up the same knife he had used to kill Basil Hallward and tries to destroy the painting. Upon hearing a crash, his servants enter the forbidden room and find their master, with a knife in his heart, uglier than ever before, lying absurdly on the floor, putting an end to an unbearable, insufferable, despicable life.

    In a strangely horrifying way, Wilde has managed, in this short novella, to present us with an incredibly internally tortured man. This is a man who pays no attention to his consequences, who lives his own life searching for that which he and only he desires, without moral concerns, and freely and candidly attending to his own dreams and hopes to live a carefree life.

    The biggest message to obtain from The Picture of Dorian Gray seems to be quite cliché in a much more sophisticated, philosophical, and beautiful way; something which can essentially be summed down to “be careful what you wish for”. We learn that although each one of us has, indeed and rightly so, their own aspirations – which in this case was to do certifiably nothing – there are other things to consider in the life we lead. There are people who walk with us in our life, like the young innocent Sybil Vane, who are hurt by the words we speak. There are friends of ours, like Basil Hallward, that take an interest in us and genuinely care about our wellbeing. There are people like Dr. Campbell, who get unwillingly involved in our own messes and for some reason end up having to clean them up all while dealing with their own internal conflicts – and sometimes, like Dr. Campbell, they do not survive them.

    Of course, a short paragraph on the ongoing theme of beauty and ugliness is also worthy. It is significant to understand how beauty has always played such an important role in our societies. From 19th century society where word of mouth was the main way of communication to now, where we are constantly bombarded by information and pictures of beauty, we can acknowledge that Dorian Gray would never have survived in the 21st century. This is because he would never be able to properly hide the dreadful picture: the digital footprint in today’s day would never allow one to fully hide away a picture which unsettles one as much as the painting did for Dorian Gray. His constant efforts to hide a picture which, to him, symbolizes the deterioration of his own soul ends up corrupting him, for fear of how ugly he could become. In reality, he was already becoming an ugly creature by hiding it in the first place.

    At the end of the day, it is about the importance we give to people like Lord Henry, to the pretentiousness of living a grand, dreamy life, without a realistic vision of what life is actually like. There are certain dreams, hopes, and wishes that are better off in our own heads, because sometimes they catch up to us and, like they did Basil Hallward, eat us up, day by day, until there is nothing left.

    It is a magnificent piece that makes each of its readers carefully rethink their past actions, thinking about their own existence and what role they play in life. Are you a Basil Hallward, a Sybil Vane, a Lord Henry, a Dr. Campbell, or perhaps even, a Dorian Gray? If you fit in with the latter then I pray that you can recollect yourself, change your ways, read this novel, and let Wilde’s incredibly philosophical statements reinvent yourself, hopefully for the better.

    On his first encounter with Lord Henry, the tragic day, Dorian claimed that “when I find that I am growing old, I shall kill myself” (Wilde 2012, 26) and indeed he did. Only, at that time, he probably did not yet know all the people, the hopes, and the dreams who would be killed along with him.


    Bibliography

    Wilde, Oscar. 2012. The Picture of Dorian Gray. London: Penguin Books.

  • Longing for a Fantastical ‘Home’

    Self-Reflections on the Problematics for a Queer Tourist and Future Expat in Budapest


    “And when I’m back in Chicago, I feel it

    Another version of me, I was in it

    Oh, I wave goodbye to the end of beginning”

    (Djo 2022 “End of Beginning”)

    In early 2024, the song “End of Beginning” by the artist Djo, more commonly known as actor Joe Keery, started to trend on the social media platform TikTok. Suddenly, the song was everywhere. It refers to the singer’s lived experience in the city of Chicago, at a time before he was famous. He expresses his nostalgic feelings about being back in the city in which he experienced a significant change in his life. A trend was constructed around the song, in which creators posted videos or slideshows with photographs taken of a specific place that they had visited that they have a deep emotional connection with. At this location, they feel like they can be their authentic Self; they can express themselves and grow as individuals; they feel like they have the chance to realise their full potential. The location, often a city, then becomes the stage in which dreams become true, in which one can become a better person just by being there in this magical space. While this message is somewhat removed from the original intent of the song, this interpretation was unanimously accepted by its audience and creators on TikTok.

    In this essay, I would like to talk about my experiences with my own ‘Chicago’. A Chicago that feels like the place I am destined to be, in which I feel like I can grow to be the person I will like the most – my Best Self, so to speak – in which I can teach myself how to be free. A ‘Chicago’ that does not exist for a trans person, and even less so for a trans person in a homosexual relationship: my Chicago is Budapest, Hungary. Budapest has featured in various videos and slideshows shared on TikTok accompanied by Djo’s song, a trend to which I contributed by sharing personal photos that I took during a recent trip to Budapest. Unsurprisingly, all content of Budapest frequently features the architectural flagships of Budapest that are recognisable by a larger audience as part of Budapest’s regional attractions, framed in a way that underscores a romanticised emotional engagement with those sites. Through this, the city is presented as a space in which individual freedom of expression and movement is implied and encouraged. However, when one further investigates the socio-political discourses surrounding Budapest and the Hungarian nation, peeking behind the façade of romantic tourist engagement, an engagement with Budapest as one’s own ‘Chicago’ reveals a very contrasting view.

    The Fantasy

    I am not able to explain my fascination with all things Budapest. In my defence, the city is recognised as a city of fairytales, although it is not explicitly marketed as this. As László Puczkó, an economist specialising in Tourism and Logistics, attests: Budapest “embodies the past, the present and the future” of Hungary (Puczkó et al. 2008, 22). The capital embodies the things that are most emblematically Hungarian, signposting what is pertinent to the Hungarian national identity, and developing the building blocks that will shape Hungarian identity in the future. In contemporary times, Budapest stands out through its architectural diversity which contributed significantly to the central city area being taken aboard the UNESCO World Heritage List, with special attention given to the banks of the Danube river (which splits the city into Buda on one side, and Pest on the other), the Buda castle quarter and Andrássy Avenue. According to UNESCO, the area is “one of the world’s outstanding urban landscapes and illustrates the great periods in the history of the Hungarian capital” (UNESCO n.d.). Photographs of the city proliferate on social media platforms, in which romantic imaginations of Budapest flourish. Beautiful architectural sites, flagship attractions of Budapest, become the main points around which these romantic imaginations are anchored. The perhaps most pertinent is the Hungarian parliament building (Országház) located on the Pest side of the Danube river, which the late Queen singer Freddie Mercury jokingly expressed a desire to acquire. This building, the third-biggest parliament building in the world, is lauded as an architectural icon and is regarded as the country’s most famous building. Its mainly neo-Gothic style makes the complex appear to have just been transported out of a fairytale with its mesmerising grandeur: a shining white symmetrical facade with intricate details, stained glass windows, and crowned by a massive central dome. Other architectural sites such as the Fisherman’s Bastion, the St Matthias Church and the Chain Bridge (Szechenyi híd), amongst others, carry on this fairytale vibe. During nighttime hours, yet another visitor experience is offered when Budapest’s significant architectural landmarks are illuminated in bright orange and white lights (one exemption being the Freedom Bridge (Szabadság híd) which is illuminated in green light). The special architecture and its framing then contribute significantly to the atmosphere of the city. But beyond that, the city also gives rise to the imagination, specifically for a younger audience, with its raging nightlife. The infamous ruin bars in the city’s Jewish Quarter (Erzsébetváros) provide the stage for wild nighttime adventures in dilapidated buildings. Another intriguing aspect for visitors is provided by Budapest’s rich spa culture, and (which is generally very appreciated by tourists) the cheap prices for wine, beer and hearty meals.

    Since the fall of the Soviet Union, as with many of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe, Hungary had run into some issues with its marketing towards tourists. Besides the already existing architectural sites, much of what tourists generally appreciate about Budapest has been initiated since the post-socialist transition years (1989 onwards). To overcome negative stereotypes of ‘Easternness’, the promotion of a quintessentially European image was highly desirable (Smith and Puczkó 2010, 288), and for Budapest, this meant moving forward to establish a distinct city image. Currently, Budapest aims to attract tourists by moving towards developing a more cosmopolitan, tolerant and dynamic image by including the creative industries and contemporary culture, embodied in part by, for example, the annual Sziget Festival.

    Fantasy, Disrupted

    Despite the international marketing of the city, national politics take on a dominant role in shaping the city for a tourist audience. Scholars of tourism have often observed that the politics intrinsic to a destination seep into the marketing discourse aimed at tourists in some form or another; tourism has an inextricable connection to politics. This is highly evident from the generally positive effect of tourism on a country’s economic capital, and the funds allocated by governments towards the goal of attracting visitors to their country. The ruling ideologies in a destination country also play a part in tourism, or even shape tourism explicitly, where governments “introduce initiatives to manipulate tourism for political purposes” and tourists are indoctrinated with certain ideologies that promote the political goals of the destination to which they have travelled (Zuo et al. 2016, 177). In Hungary, tourism is governed by the state. The Hungarian Tourism Agency (HTA) is operating under the Ministry of National Development (OECD 2018), and is therefore intimately tied to contemporary political shifts and presences.

    In the case of Budapest, perhaps the most obvious tourist sight connected to current politics is the parliament building. A stage for Hungary’s political presence, the parliament houses the national assembly that is led by Viktor Orbán’s national-populist government. In their congregations, laws and legislations are introduced or changed, such as the 2021 anti-LGBT law. The parliament also provides the backbone for Orbán’s selective usage of Hungary’s past and heritage in the attempt to establish unity amongst Hungarian people, in a move to revitalise the country back to its ‘former glory’. In general, a dominant trend of altering historical and social memory through carefully constructed propaganda campaigns is completely inescapable in the case of Hungary, and with that, its capital Budapest. While there are many instances to be pointed out in this essay, I will present a select few here.

    A recent visit to Budapest by me, in March 2024, reveals political sentiments pervading the cityscape of Budapest more openly. Recently, the National Consultation has been completed, a survey that encourages Hungarian citizens to share their opinions on Hungarian government initiatives and political sentiments expressed by the European Union. On the 25th of January 2024, Hungarian government published some of the results to the questions of the latest National Consultation, entitled “Szuverenitásunk Védelméről” (trans. “The Protection of Our Sovereignty”), on Facebook, while simultaneously launching a billboard campaign presenting the results in Budapest. While the survey was answered by 1.5 million people, less than a quarter of the country’s 8 million voters, the billboards touted that upwards of 98% of the respondents are in agreement with the government’s position on multiple pertinent issues, such as supporting the stop of weapon transfers to the Ukraine, and opposing: ‘migrant ghettos’ in Hungary, ‘gender propaganda’, EU membership to the Ukraine and genetically-modified Ukrainian grain, and the support of Palestine, as it is seen as supporting terrorism (Inotai 2023, Dlhopolec et al. 2024). While the National Consultation is presented as a reliable source of the dominant political thoughts for all Hungarian citizens – which can be easily dismissed on account of the number of respondents – the billboard campaign nevertheless displays prominent anti-EU sentiments in public. These are seemingly taken for granted, as most of the banners are not showing obvious signs of intervention, e.g. by graffiti or other signs of disagreement with its messages.

    In another space, anti-Semitism has been a problem in Hungary as the country struggles to come to terms with its role in the Second World War. Two memorial sites, both of which are in close proximity of the parliament, contextualise historical events of the Hungarian past in the 20th century: the Shoes on the Danube River (by artist Can Togay, 2005) south of the parliament, and on the Freedom Square (Szabadság Tér), the “Memorial to the victims of the German occupation” (2014), constructed on Viktor Orbán’s orders. The shoes commemorate the victims of fascist Arrow Cross militiamen, as indicated by a plaque near the monument. In September 2014, multiple of the shoes were stolen. However, the Budapest police did not investigate the case, as no crime had been reported. Shortly before this, the 2014 memorial was erected on the Szabadság Tér, under the cover of night and against the wishes of a large majority of the public, just two days after Orbán’s re-election. His intention with the monument was to honour all victims of the German invasion. With that, his attempts to use history for his own political purposes become visible: the monument portrays Hungary as an innocent victim in the war, while completely dismissing its allyship with Nazi Germany. The monument has now become a permanent protest site and hosts a counter-display, against the “forgery of history” initiated by the Hungarian government. Despite the amount of anti-Semitic sentiments, Orbán has established friendly relations with the Israeli government and prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu since 2005. In the current genocide against Palestine, Hungary openly supports Israel and has become the only European country banning all Palestine-related demonstrations since the Hamas attacks in October 2023 (Zsurzsán 2024).

    An Implicated Subject

    In spite of my knowledge of everything I outlined in the previous paragraph, I cannot help but feel like I will be at home in Budapest. I felt this way before I even visited the city, just by looking at pictures, and the feeling has intensified through three past visits. Even though I need to convincingly cross-dress when I go outside, at least I am not getting cat-called on the street, like I do in any other country that I am visiting as a tourist or that I am living in as a resident. One of my dreams is to study in Budapest for a semester abroad and learn the language fluently. I have the unshakeable feeling that I will have the chance to feel more at home than I currently do in the Netherlands. Nonetheless, reality, obviously, is not that dreamy. For one, being able to study in Budapest comes at the cost of having to dismiss my own identity and having to pretend to be something that I am not. Dreaming of a life in Budapest, even just for my own life, actively dismisses the existing socio-political tensions in Hungary. Additionally, sharing the positive image I have of Budapest on social media implies, at least to an extent, an agreement with Orbán’s LGBTQ-phobic, xenophobic, anti-democratic policies and sentiments that are openly expressed in the city, for example through the billboard campaign of the National Consultation. One could argue that if an individual like myself feels at home in a location like Budapest there is no inherent harm in that. However, the only group of people who have the privilege of not having to care about politics – because it does not impact them – are the ones who have been enabled by hierarchical structures to be in a dominant position and are actively benefitting from it. To this end, I would like to briefly argue alongside the American literature and memory studies scholar Michael Rothberg, specifically engaging with his category of the “implicated subject” and “implication”. What he calls attention to is the state of being “‘folded into’ events that at first seem beyond our agency as individual subjects” (2019, 1), and how implicated subjects “occupy positions aligned with power and privilege …; they contribute to, inhabit, inherit, or benefit from regimes of domination but do not originate or control such regimes” (1). Implicated subjects do not take on either the role of the perpetrator or the victim, but their “actions and inactions help produce and reproduce the positions” (1) of these roles. While one can argue that I could be a potential victim of Hungary’s current politics, in proclaiming my love for Budapest, I see myself as contributing to the perpetuation of these politics. The position I am finding myself in is one produced and kept in place by its tensions: yes, I am in a vulnerable position by being in Budapest, and yet my own position is still one that is in power, as I currently do have the privilege to decide whether or not I want to live in Budapest. The only struggle that I have to fight in this space is having to decide whether I am content with temporarily having to disguise myself as a woman – because nothing Bad has happened to me yet. Other people do not have that privilege. 

    Conclusion

    To revert to the beginning of this essay, and Djo’s song “End of Beginning”, in sharing my personal ‘Chicago’, I am making myself complicit in sharing an image of Budapest that implies the possibility of free expression and freedom – an image that is clearly romanticised and removed from reality. Other people who are sharing their personal ‘Chicago’ to a larger audience, for example via TikTok, might be perpetuating similar messages. Audiences of this content consume not just the visual material shared by other people, but also their ways of emotionally engaging with specific destinations, which are often mediated through the framing of a romantic fantasy that lies at the centre of the ‘Chicago’ experience. They might then also be inspired to share their own ‘Chicago’. Personal engagements might, as shown here, also serve to overshadow socio-political tensions in specific contexts, establishing a location to be ‘safe’ and desirable to visit for all audiences, when reality actually looks very different.


    Bibliography

    Dlhopolec, Peter, Edit Inotai, Jules Eisenchteter and Claudia Ciobanu. 2024. “Democracy Digest: Hungary’s ‘National Consultation’ – Not much to say.” Reporting Democracy, 26 January 2024. https://balkaninsight.com/2024/01/26/democracy-digest-hungarys-national-consultation-not-much-to-say/.

    Inotai, Edit. 2023. “Hungary Launches ‘National Consultation’ targeting the EU, migrants and Ukraine.” Reporting Democracy, 20 November 2023.  https://balkaninsight.com/2023/11/20/hungary-launches-national-consultation-targeting-the-eu-migrants-and-ukraine/.

    OECD. 2018. “Hungary.” OECD Tourism Trends and Policies 2018. Paris: OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/tour-2018-20-en.

    Rothberg, Michael. 2019. “Introduction.” The Implicated Subject: Beyond Victims and Perpetrators. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

    Smith, Melanie, and László Puczkó. 2010. “Out with the old, in with the new? Twenty years of post-socialist marketing in Budapest.” Journal of Town & City Management 1, no. 3: 288-299. London: Henry Stewart Publications.

    Puczkó, László, Tamara Ratz, and Melanie Smith. 2008. “Old City, New Image: Perception, Positioning and Promotion of Budapest.” Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing 22, no. 3-4: 21-34. https://doi.org/10.1300/J073v22n03_03. 

    UNESCO. n.d. “Budapest, including the Banks of the Danube, the Buda Castle Quarter and Andrássy Avenue.” UNESCO World Heritage Convention. https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/400/.

    Zsurzsán, Anita. 2024. “Hungary’s Support for Israel Exposes Its Fake Pacifism.” Jacobin, 24 March, 2024. https://jacobin.com/2024/03/orban-israel-rafah-ukraine-hypocrisy.

    Zuo, Bing, Songshan (Sam) Huang, and Luhu Liu. 2016. “Tourism as an Agent of Political Socialisation.” International Journal of Tourism Research 18 (March): 176-185. https://doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2044.

  • The Ethopolitics of Reproduction

    Biopolitical strategies and their effects on the reproductive choices of people with disabilities, chronic illnesses, and carriers for genetic conditions

    (Content Warning: This essay discusses eugenics, abortion, ableism, disability, chronic illness and genetic conditions in a manner which might be uncomfortable or upsetting for some readers.)


    “We face discrimination every day in schools, in the work place and in society. And now thanks to this verdict the judges have upheld discrimination in the womb too.”

    In 2021, Heidi Crowter, a woman with Down syndrome, lost her appeal to the UK High Court concerning a law that legalises the abortion of foetuses with Down syndrome up until birth (BBC 2021). In the UK, abortion is legal up until 24 weeks of pregnancy, except when “there is a substantial risk that if the child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped”. Heidi Crowter and her legal team argued that this legislation does not “respect her life”. Crowter’s appeal was overturned, with the judges of the case stating that the current law balances “the rights of the unborn child and of women [sic]” (BBC 2021).

    Biopolitics

    Michel Foucault, a celebrated French philosopher and historian, argues that the focus of political power has shifted from a power over death (which he calls sovereign power) to a power to manage and administrate life (Foucault 2013, 44). He terms this new kind of power ‘biopower’, and writes that biopower takes two basic forms: “anatomo-politics” and “bio-politics” (Foucault 2013, 44). The latter form, bio-politics, concerns power over the human species itself and the conditions which influence reproduction, birth, death, longevity and health (44). This essay will engage in a biopolitical analysis of the reproductive choices of disabled and chronically ill people, and carriers[1] of genetic conditions.

    I will begin by identifying the biopolitical discourses, policies, technologies and practices associated with the reproductive choices of disabled and chronically ill people and carriers. ‘Discourse’ within the context of this biopolitical analysis should be understood not as the everyday discussions of citizens, but as ideologies and global interpretative frameworks that are introduced by religions, politicians, and other authorities. These discourses have sufficient power to shape or influence policies and technologies. Practices can be understood as lifestyle, and the way in which people tend to behave within a society.

    The discourse surrounding health and disability is very visible in the outcome of Heidi Crowter’s High Court appeal. Disabilities and chronic illnesses are conflated with suffering, and conversely, health and able-bodiedness are associated with positive well-being. This discourse is biopolitical, since it concerns the management of the human population and their health. In response to the discourse surrounding health and disability, policies have arisen or been amended to respond to the threat of disability. The UK Abortion Act, which permits the abortion of abnormal foetuses after the 24 week mark, is one of many laws of a similar nature – in 2017, 61% of countries permitted legal abortions in instances of “foetal impairment” (United Nations 2020, 1).

    In order to more accurately predict the health of a potential human being, technologies such as genetic screening and prenatal testing have been developed, and are often recommended as part of family planning and prenatal care (NHS n.d., John Hopkins Medicine n.d.). The aim of these predictions is to inform prospective parents of the risk of their future children having disabilities or genetic conditions. While online resources are evasive about the next steps once a disability or genetic condition has been discovered in testing, it is safe to assume, given that these tests are offered to those who are planning to start a family, that these tests are intended to be preventative on some level.

    To summarise: on the level of discourse, disabilities and ill-health are conflated with suffering and are thus undesirable. On the level of policies, campaigns and laws are put in place to avoid ill-health, and it is increasingly becoming legal to terminate pregnancies on the grounds of “foetal impairment”. Technologies such as prenatal testing and genetic screening exist to identify, and sometimes ‘disallow’ disability and ill-health via termination. Having briefly discussed the biopolitics involved in reproduction, I will explore the ways in which these biopolitical strategies influence the reproductive practices of disabled and chronically ill people and carriers.

    Abnormality & Disability in Genetic Screening and Prenatal Testing

    In “Biopolitics and Human Reproduction”, Catherine Mills (2017) explores the role of reproduction in biopolitics. Mills writes that 19th and early 20th century biopolitics concerning reproduction involved a great degree of state intervention (283). Regarding the aim of eugenics, she concludes that eugenics aims to secure the survival of the nation through “quality control”, and that control over birth entails controlling who is born, and also who gives birth (288).

    Mills argues that today, the principle of procreative liberty ensures that institutions cannot prevent a person from choosing to reproduce (unless the choice will cause harm to others) – a marked departure from the negative eugenics policies of the 19th and early 20th centuries, which directly interfered with the reproduction of citizens (Mills 2017, 283). However, this is not to say that biopolitics is no longer involved in reproduction. Individuals have the freedom to make their own reproductive choices, but their choices make them responsible for the health of society as a whole; “responsibilized” (Foucault 1990, 104-5 in Mills 2017, 284) prospective parents exercise biopolitical control mechanisms on themselves (Mills 2017, 283-4). In other words, the biopolitical responsibilization of individuals has taken the place of direct intervention into reproduction by institutions.

    Mills continues her argument by discussing the role that “normalization” (282) plays in biopolitical discourse and technologies surrounding reproduction. She writes that the parameters for a normal (healthy) foetus as observed through ultrasound technologies are derived from the measurements of other foetuses – a foetus can fall into the “healthy range” if it exists within a norm that has been “derived statistically from pre-existent bodies” (290). This is not to say that ultrasound technology dictates that a foetus that falls outside of normalcy must be terminated; rather, what is “normal” becomes valued and what is “abnormal” becomes devalued (290).

    Mills proposes that, as opposed to being an innocent measure to observe whether or not a foetus falls within “normal ranges”, prenatal testing technologies which target “foetal malformations” are responsible for creating an association between the statistical normal and a particular quality of life (Kittay 2006 in Mills 2017, 290). Institutions cannot directly intervene in matters of reproduction, but they can present prospective parents with the results of a test that makes an a priori assessment of the quality of life of their offspring, based on associations between statistical normality and the ability to lead a particular kind of life. This association results in the exclusion of the statistical abnormal from the biopolitical community via selective termination (282).

    As Mills argues, the medicalisation of pregnancy has meant that those who can become pregnant[2] have become “moral pioneers”, making decisions about life and death on the basis of medical testing that was unavailable to prior generations” (2017, 289). While the choice to ‘disallow’ life lies with the prospective parents, institutions create and advise on the basis of norms, from which ideas about quality of life, well-being and value are derived (290). As a result of the availability of statistics and predictions about the health of a foetus, prospective parents are made aware of suffering before it happens, and are given the choice to ‘disallow’ it, or ‘allow’ it on the grounds of an ethical obligation to prevent others from suffering through a low quality of life.

    The technologies of contemporary biopolitics ensure that individuals are aware of the risks at play in their reproductive decisions. Responsibilized individuals can no longer “passively” choose to reproduce in the presence of the possibility of disability or a genetic condition. Technologies such as ultrasounds and prenatal tests are so ubiquitous that in refusing to be tested, one makes the conscious choice to ignore the advice of biopolitical institutions. Furthermore, since biopolitical discourse posits that some instances of disability and illness can be prevented via biopolitical technologies, prospective parents who make the choice not to “prevent” these instances of disability and illness are rendered responsible for the health of their children. Thus, every individual reproductive choice – even the choice not to engage with biopolitical technologies – is given an ethical significance.

    Ethopolitics of Reproduction

    Concerning the notion that individual choices have an ethical significance, Nikolas Rose (2001) writes that “contemporary biopolitics is ethopolitics” (2). By ethopolitics, Rose means a political system in which human lives and everyday choices are subject to continual moral judgement by the individual, with the aim of self-betterment (18). In an ethopolitical system, knowledge of one’s own biological and genetic risk factors becomes a part of one’s overall obligation to be responsible (19). Screening technologies allow experts to evaluate or mitigate risk when it comes to individuals’ reproductive decisions; Rose argues that these tests are a way to resolve the difficult ethical choice presented to prospective parents (12). The availability of genetic screening and prenatal testing, and also the possibility to seek an “ethical abortion”, creates a possibility for prospective parents to minimise or prevent the suffering that is associated with ill-health and disability. If one’s reproductive choices can cause suffering (by fostering life) or prevent suffering (by disallowing life), these reproductive choices become ethical choices.

    Evidence of a higher risk (and thus a higher likelihood of the suffering associated with disability and chronic illness) presents an ethical argument, on the basis of biomedical science, against a particular reproductive decision. Rose argues that this has led to the prevalence of screening those in a ‘high-risk’ category for developing particular conditions or passing them on, and the use of amniocentesis[3] in order to identify genetic abnormalities in foetuses. Ultimately, “therapeutic abortion” may be offered to parents whose foetus tests positive for a genetic condition (Rose 2001, 12).

    However, Rose argues, these risk evaluations are based on probability, not certainty. It is impossible to guarantee the results of prenatal screening – genetic testing can indicate a higher risk of developing a disease, but the tests cannot predict whether or not an individual will develop a condition with 100% accuracy, nor can they predict the severity or timeline of a condition with any certainty (12). Choices surrounding reproduction are evaluated not based on a “clear-cut algorithm”, but on a weighing-up of risk. “In this space, biopolitics becomes ethopolitics” (12).

    Furthermore, second-trimester amniocentesis has an 0.1-0.3% chance of causing a miscarriage, even if the amniocentesis is performed by a skilled physician (1-3 in every 1000), and the risk is higher in the first trimester (Mayo Clinic 2022). The evaluation of risk hence involves the introduction of an additional risk. For whom could this additional risk be tolerable? Amniocentesis is usually only offered to those who are in a ‘high-risk’ category, such as those who are disabled and chronically ill, and carriers who have a family history of genetic conditions (Mayo Clinic 2022). The decision to perform amniocentesis in spite of the additional risk involves a judgement of the worth of the foetus. The unmitigated risk of disability or genetic disorder lowers a foetus’ worth, meaning the risk of causing damage or a miscarriage in the process of testing for these conditions is ethically permissible.

    Rose writes that the power dynamic between prospective parents and influential voices within biomedicine is “pastoral” (2001, 9), rather than outright controlling. The ethics of the “guider” (experts on biomedicine) work in relation with the ethics of the “guided” (prospective parents). Rose argues that this pastoral process, whereby the expertise and ethics of the “guider” enter into discussion with the ethics of the “guided” often exacerbates feelings of shame, guilt, and a sense of obligation to a party that is not present and cannot advocate for themselves – the potential offspring of the “guided” (9-10).

    There is much to be said about the affective potential of knowing that one could theoretically ‘give’ one’s offspring a gene that causes them to suffer. On the Genetic Alliance UK website, they have made a plea for those who have such a gene “to remember that genes are distributed by chance and having a faulty gene is no one’s fault” (Fletcher-Dallas 2016), demonstrating that the link between ‘giving’ and ‘causing’ can sometimes be drawn by those who test positive for a particular gene. Some prospective parents could feel as though, since their child is ill or disabled due to a gene they passed on, they have ‘made’ their child ill or disabled. In other words, if a prospective parent is made responsible for their own genes, by passing these genes to their child, they are responsible for their child’s suffering.

    In the case of carriers, whom Rose describes as “those individuals carrying the markers or polymorphisms of susceptibility who are neither phenomenologically or experientially ‘sick’ or ‘abnormal’” (12), their understanding of the predicted quality of life of their potential offspring comes from information provided by “guiders”, rather than their own experiences. They simply carry genes that increase the risk for a particular condition. Any ethical judgements about the quality of life of their offspring, whether on the level of their medical or societal condition, are guided by the pastoral influences of discourse surrounding disability and abnormality.

    Rose argues that, in consultations with biomedical experts about one’s reproductive choices, the affected party – the foetus – is not represented (Rose 2001, 9-10). However, while the foetus may not be able to represent themselves, there may be a person or persons present in the discussion who have an innate understanding of how that foetus would feel should they be ‘allowed’ to live – the prospective parents, should they be disabled or have a chronic illness themselves, can judge their quality of life a posteriori, not a priori. They know what it means to be disabled or have a chronic illness in the society they live in, so they understand the implications for the quality of life of their potential children. This, in combination with the pastoral guidance of biomedical experts who offer a host of preventative measures, means that the reproductive decisions made by disabled and chronically ill people are entangled in an ethopolitics of both affect and empathy. When considering having children, disabled and chronically ill people must consider whether it would be ethical to subject another human being to the conditions they are experiencing.

    Disability, Heritability and Labour

    Worth and Productivity

    In common parlance, the phrases ‘quality of life’ and ‘well-being’ are often used interchangeably. Both terms involve an evaluation of a person’s life, and these evaluations can be either positive or negative. The frame of reference for both of these evaluations can be based on statistically-derived norms, as this essay has previously explored. In this sense, ‘high quality of life’ and ‘positive well-being’ both reflect a valuable life, and thus one can assume that a person with positive well-being also experiences a high quality of life.

    However, there is a significant aspect in which these terms diverge in meaning. While ‘well-being’ concerns an individual’s health and happiness, ‘quality of life’ concerns a much broader range of factors. The World Health Organisation defines quality of life as: “individuals’ perceptions of their position in life in the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards and concerns” (WHO 2012, 3).

    Positive well-being is associated with high quality of life, but is not the only characteristic of a high quality of life. In fact, the World Health Organisation Quality of Life (WHOQOL) User Manual explicitly differentiates between ‘well-being’ and ‘quality of life’, stating that “quality of life cannot be equated simply with the terms ‘health status’, ‘life style’, ‘life satisfaction’, ‘mental state’ or ‘well-being’” (2012, 3). The WHOQOL lists six broad domains that are to be evaluated when considering one’s quality of life: “physical health, psychological state, level of independence, social relationships, personal beliefs and their relationships to salient features of the environment” (3). 

    The third domain, ‘level of independence’, is of particular significance in relation to disabled and chronically ill people. In the WHOQOL User Manual, pages 60-61 are dedicated to an explanation of the individual facets of quality of life within this domain. In the explanation of facet 9, ‘Mobility’, it is stated that having to depend on another person for one’s mobility is thought to lower one’s quality of life (60). Facet 10, ‘Activities of Daily Living’, involves an evaluation of a person’s ability to independently perform ‘usual’ everyday tasks (61), again under the assumption that depending on another person to do these tasks lowers one’s quality of life . The assumptions about quality of life inherent to facet 11, ‘Dependence on medication or treatments’, are immediately evident (61). All of these facets involve an assessment of one’s quality of life that is not necessarily concerned with one’s medical or physical reality, but rather one’s status as a dependent within society.

    The tendency of biomedical experts to provide guidance on the basis of quality of life, rather than well-being, initially appears to be an issue of phrasing. However, using the phrase ‘quality of life’ means that not only a person’s projected well-being, but also predictions of the kind of life a person will lead, are involved in an assessment of whether or not it is ethical to ‘allow’ life. The facet of ‘mobility’ does not evaluate an individual’s quality of life on the basis of “impairment” in the sense associated with physical well-being, but rather if that person is independently mobile (WHOQOL 2012, 60).

    The conflation of ‘well-being’ and ‘quality of life’ was not explicitly elaborated on by Mills (2017), but she does note that: “[…] concerns about biological normality are made inextricable from concerns about ways of living well” (291), as a part of her argument that norms of health become associated with a particular lifestyle. Arguably, the practice of incorporating assessments of one’s health and one’s ability to lead a particular, normative lifestyle into a singular evaluative criterion, ‘quality of life’, is a compelling reason for this association. This is not to say that those who are unable to live independently do, in fact, experience a high quality of life. However, low quality of life, to the extent that it could constitute an ethical obligation to ‘disallow’ it is not an intrinsic feature of dependence; it is the feature of a society that devalues life as a dependant.

    The United Kingdom is an exemplar case of such a society. The government of the UK has recently proposed a policy whereby disabled, chronically ill and mentally ill individuals who depend on benefits will have their benefits cut by £4,680 a year if they do not look for remote work (Open Access Government 2023). This policy is openly hostile towards those who are not currently able to work because of their health, and places individuals who were already experiencing financial insecurity in an incredibly difficult position; perhaps an impossible position. It is a biopolitical strategy to attempt to increase productivity, by making an ethopolitical claim that it is a “citizen’s duty” to work, and that working is expected as part of a normal lifestyle.

    Statistically-derived norms, as Mills (2017) emphasises, create an association between fitting a particular norm of health and living a particular kind of life (290). For prospective parents who are aware of the connection between dependency on the basis of disability/chronic illness and a low quality of life, the question of whether their offspring will be able to be independent becomes a part of an overall consideration about their offspring’s quality of life. The issue is not simply the health concerns associated with an individual’s disabilities or chronic illnesses, but whether they can have a high enough quality of life within a society that devalues dependence to an extent that causes additional suffering. Prospective parents with a disability or chronic illness understand this connection, not because they have been made aware of this connection due to the pastoral guidance of a biomedical professional, but because they have likely experienced it themselves.

    Facet 12, within the ‘level of independence’ domain of the WHOQOL, is highly indicative of the fact that human life that is capable of work is valued more highly. This facet concerns ‘Working capacity’. The explanation for this facet is as follows:

    This facet examines a person’s use of his or her energy for work. “Work” is defined as any major activity in which the person is engaged. Major activities might include paid work, unpaid work, voluntary community work, full-time study, care of children and household duties. Because such questions refer to these possible types of major activities, the facet focuses on a person’s ability to perform work, regardless of the type of work. (WHOQOL 2012, 61)


    On the basis of this quality of life assessment, if a person is unable to work, their quality of life would be evaluated more negatively than that of a person who is able to work. Given the hostility of society towards those who cannot work, it is no wonder that an inability to work is counted among health issues, psychological issues and physical insecurity as factors that can depreciate an individual’s quality of life. One can imagine that in a world in which an inability to work is accommodated for, disabled, chronically ill people and carriers could be more optimistic about the quality of life experienced by their potential offspring.

    It could be that some readers have thus far interpreted this essay as an anticapitalist critique, but this is not the case; ableism has existed for far longer than capitalism. This essay is as much a critique of contemporary capitalist societies as it is a critique of the Ancient Spartans, who bathed newborn male babies in pure wine to test whether they could grow into strong warriors, and killed the babies whose constitutions could not handle this (Penrose 2015, 510). Indeed, an anecdote from Herodotus about two Spartan men who were temporarily blinded by the same condition, one of whom went into battle anyway and died, and another who asked not to fight and was excluded as a coward (2015, 512), is almost reminiscent of the UK government’s policy that disabled and chronically people should “find work anyway” or suffer the consequences. Disability/chronic illness activism is necessarily anti-capitalist, since it advocates for those who do not labour, but we must not assume that anti-capitalism is inherently anti-ableist. I hope to have adequately demonstrated that ableist rhetoric is entrenched not only in our political systems but in conventional morality, down to the level of our individual reproductive choices. Regardless of whether or not we live within a capitalist system, the quality of life of disabled and chronically ill people will continue to influence people’s reproductive decisions.

    Moralistic hand-wringing about ‘quality of life’ is ableist and unproductive if it is not accompanied by attempts to actively improve the quality of life of currently-living disabled and chronically ill people. Disability and chronic illness are not immutable. In spite of many attempts in the past and present to prevent disabled and chronically ill life through influencing the population’s reproductive choices, disability and chronic illness will continue to occur spontaneously. As a person living with fibromyalgia (a chronic pain disorder) for a decade as of the date of this publication, I can attest to the fact that able-bodiedness is far more precarious than most of us are willing to accept. Even for those readers who do not develop a disability or chronic illness in their lifetime, those lucky enough to reach old age will experience the realities of life as a dependent individual.

    It is therefore in our best interests to maintain a society that guarantees a positive quality of life for disabled and chronically ill people, but it is as if, having observed our current quality of life, our ethopolitical responsibility has become preventing future disabled or chronically life rather than engaging in activism and societal change on the behalf of future disabled or chronically ill life. One is left to wonder who benefits from discourse that on the one hand encourages the prevention of disability and chronic illness (in other words, the prevention of disabled and chronically ill people), and on the other actively makes the world more hostile for disabled and chronically ill people. It is certainly not disabled or chronically ill people themselves.

    Conclusion

    This essay set out to examine the effects of biopolitical strategies on the reproductive choices of disabled and chronically ill people, and the carriers of genetic conditions. I have argued that the reproductive choices of disabled/chronically ill people and carriers are shaped by biopolitical policies and practices, and that these in turn are informed by ethopolitical discourse about ill-health and suffering. A biopolitical analysis of the discourse, policies, technologies and practices associated with reproduction shows that at every level, disabled and chronically ill people and carriers are influenced by authorities and institutions. In the case of carriers, the ethopolitics of reproduction may indeed be exercised on the level of pastoral guidance and abstract ethical equations, as Rose (2001) argues. However, in the case of those who are disabled or chronically ill themselves, their reproductive decisions are influenced by biopolitical strategies that affect the lives of disabled and chronically ill people at large.

    Furthermore, biopolitical policies that reduce the quality of life for disabled and chronically ill people, such as the one proposed by the UK Government (Open Access Government 2023) not only control how people live, but control who gets to live. The knowledge that life – or rather, the current way of living – is hostile towards dependent individuals influences conceptions about quality of life, creating an ethopolitical component to individuals’ reproductive practices. Disabled and chronically ill people experience this hostility firsthand. If they do make the choice to reproduce, they are more likely to be offered prenatal testing, even if it produces additional risks for the foetus, because life as a disabled and chronically ill person is devalued as a result of the quality of life they experience.

    The biopolitical strategies at play on the levels of discourse, policies and technologies, both on the level of biopolitical management of disabled/chronically ill people and the ethopolitical management of the reproductive choices of disabled people and carriers, promote a self-sustaining, able-bodied and independent population. It is indeed the case that dependent individuals experience a lower quality of life as a result of the ableist society they are born into. Having explored the reasons for the lower quality of life associated with disability and chronic illness, many of which are societal rather than inherent to disabilities and chronic illnesses themselves, it is apparent that positive societal change would likely influence the reproductive choices of disabled and chronically ill people, and carriers of genetic conditions. Notably, making an ethical argument in favour of improving the quality of life of disabled and chronically ill individuals by accommodating us within society, as opposed to making an ethical argument in favour of preventing our lives, is the road less travelled.


    Bibliography

    BBC. 2021. “Woman with Down’s syndrome loses abortion law fight.” Accessed 3rd April, 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-coventry-warwickshire-58662846.

    Fletcher-Dallas, Robert. 2016. “Making the decision to have predictive testing.” Genetic Alliance UK, July 21, 2016. Accessed January 22, 2024. https://geneticalliance.org.uk/information/service-and-testing/making-the-decision-to-have-predictive-testing/.

    Foucault, Michel. 2013. “Right of Death and Power of Life.” In Biopolitics: A Reader, edited by Timothy Campbell and Adam Sitze, 41–60. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

    John Hopkins Medicine. n.d. “Common Tests During Pregnancy.” Accessed January 16, 2024. https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/wellness-and-prevention/common-tests-during-pregnancy#genetic.

    Mills, Catherine. 2017. “Biopolitics and Human Reproduction.” In The Routledge Handbook of Biopolitics, edited by Sergei Prozorov and Simona Rentea, 281–94. London: Routledge.

    NHS. n.d. “Genetic and genomic testing.” Last reviewed March 1, 2023. https://www.nhs.uk/conditions/genetic-and-genomic-testing/.

    Open Access Government. 2023. “UK Government: Disabled people urged to work from home or face benefit cuts.” Accessed November 29, 2023. https://www.openaccessgovernment.org/uk-government-disabled-people-urged-to-work-from-home-or-face-benefit-cuts/170554/#:~:text=Individuals%20facing%20mobility%20and%20mental,fail%20to%20find%20remote%20work.

    Penrose, Walter D. 2015. “The Discourse of Disability in Ancient Greece.” The Classical World 108(4): 499–523. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24699780.

    United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. 2020. World Population Policies 2017: Abortion laws and policies – A global assessment: Highlights. (ST/ESA/SER.A/448). https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/sites/www.un.org.development.desa.pd/files/files/documents/2020/Nov/undesa_pd_2020_world_population_policies_highlights.pdf.

    WHOQOL Group. 2012. “WHOQOL User Manual.” Accessed January 24, 2024. https://www.who.int/tools/whoqol.


    [1] Henceforth, I will refer to people who carry genes for genetic conditions as ‘carriers’.

    [2] Mills uses the word ‘women’, but it is more prudent to avoid using gendered language in this instance, as this argument is chiefly concerned with the potential for pregnancy rather than gender identity.

    [3] Amniocentesis involves removing amniotic fluid and cells from the uterus. The procedure is sometimes done to test the genes of the developing foetus, or diagnose a foetal infection (Mayo Clinic 2022).

  • Reviewing Timothy Morton’s Being Ecological

    As the title suggests, Timothy Morton’s Being Ecological is a book about ecology. However, in a sense, the book tries to do more than simply presenting a philosophical, anthropological, or biological perspective on ecology. It tries to give an expansive critique on the way in which a lot of ecological thought is structured, and why this way of thinking is faulty. Morton adds that it is this faulty way of thinking that got us into (climate) trouble in the first place. Within the book, Morton also aims to provide us with a conceptual toolkit that may remedy our faulty ways of thinking. Each chapter follows a relatively similar structure, wherein Morton notes a problem, explicates it, and critiques it. The final part tries to provide a new way of thinking that may remedy this problem. For clarity’s sake, I will also follow this structure in my analysis of the book.

    Factoids, Objects and Neolithic Thinking

    One of the main points Morton argues in Being Ecological is that our way of perceiving reality is fundamentally wrong. While this may seem a somewhat large claim, Morton does provide ample argumentation for this throughout the book. In the introduction, he writes about the way in which we present ecological information to ourselves. Information about climate change is often presented as a compilation of data that must convince us of something – namely, climate change. Morton states that small chunks of data are presented as holding a fact, which he calls “factoids” (Morton, 2018, 8). These factoids appear to factually tell us something about reality, and therefore hold some kind of truth. The reality is that factoids are only interpretations of small pieces of data and are therefore not facts, but only fact-like, as Morton states. A lot of ecological thought is concerned with the idea that if we can compile enough factoids, we will ‘get’ climate change and will be able to act upon it. Morton relates this scientific perspective to the way in which human beings think about reality at large. We perceive ourselves as a rational subject that is independent of the world and can perceive and ‘grasp’ things around it, be that via sight, sounds, or scientific analysis. Objects exist outside of the human psyche and are there to be analyzed, grabbed, utilized, etc.

    This idea of the human psyche being independent of ‘things’ is a symptom of ways of thought that originated in the Neolithic period (Morton, 2018, 50). Morton states that historically, since the move from hunter-gatherer to agricultural society, humans have started to create conceptual separations between animal-human, culture-nature, master-subject. They claim that this idea of human beings being able to rationalize and divide the world has, in turn, led to industrial capitalism and the problems that have arisen from it.

    OOO

    Morton presents his answer to the problem of Neolithic thinking in the form of object-oriented ontology (OOO). Object-oriented ontology is a way of thinking about ‘things’. It proposes that all things exist in the same way, thus there is no way in which human existence is more important than the existence of any other thing. Additionally, it maintains that there are infinite ways of accessing things in the world, such as grabbing, throwing, talking to, drawing on, etc. Therefore, you can never exhaust the way in which things can be accessed. This means that things remain fundamentally independent and can never be fully grasped.

    This also means that all things, animal, plant or stone, cannot be reduced to the way humans perceive them. In this way, OOO can help in combatting anthropocentric ways of thinking, including those that privilege the position of humans above animals and objects. In summary, Morton thus states that ‘being ecological’ is “acknowledging in a deep way the existence of beings that aren’t you, with whom you coexist” (Morton, 2018, 128). This means that we accept the fact that we cannot fully grasp the essence and existence of beings around us, but we also accept that these beings exist, nevertheless. Being ecological is therefore a way of opening up and letting the existence of other beings into our own lifeworld.

    Assessment

    In general, this work is great at tackling the issue of anthropocentrism and presents an original critique and a strong response in the form of OOO. The work goes beyond simply diagnosing the problem in the form of socio-political structures that cause climate change. However, one point of critique that may be raised against this work is the fact Morton writes quite erratically. Morton often begins a chapter by expanding on a certain idea or thought, but then suddenly switches to another subject, leaving the explanation of the idea unfinished. This is a reemerging pattern in the work, and it significantly harms the readability of Being Ecological. Regarding accessibility, I therefore argue that although this work is accessible for a wider public, base-level knowledge of philosophers like Kant and Heidegger is necessary. The reason for this is that, while Morton does explain the ideas these philosophers hold, they are often brought up quite spontaneously in the text. Nonetheless, despite these shortcomings, this is a strong public philosophical work that provides an original narrative about ecological thought, which also serves as a good introduction to Timothy Morton’s further body of work.


    Bibliography

    Morton, Timothy. 2018. A Pelican Introduction: Being Ecological. Pelican Books.

  • Accept to Lose: A Nine-Step Program

    Film and Philosophy: Little Miss Sunshine (2006)


    Dream Journal of the Family Hoover

    • (Step) Father Richard:
      • Dream: publish and reach a big audience with his nine-step ‘‘Refuse to Lose’’ program, which is focused on following nine steps to achieve your dream, to be successful in life.
    • Mother Sheryl:
      • Dream: keep her family together and make her marriage work.
    • Seven-year-old Olive, Richard and Sheryl’s daughter:
      • Dream: participate in a beauty pageant for six and seven-year-olds.
    • Fifteen-year-old Dwayne, Sheryl’s son from her previous marriage:
      • Dream: become an Air Force fighter jet pilot. He has taken a vow of silence until he reaches this dream.
    • Richard’s father, Edward:
      • Dream: use heroin and be high.
    • Sheryl’s brother, Frank:
      • Dream: lost his dream of having a relationship with one of his grad-students, and of being the preeminent Proust scholar in the U.S. Even his dream to commit suicide ended in a failure.

    Jonathan Dayton (director of Little Miss Sunshine): ‘‘Our culture is so built on the idea of chasing our dream. […] But then this [film] is about what happens when those dreams don’t come true and what’s left’’ (Cinema Therapy 2024, 6:14).

    ‘‘Little Miss Sunshine teaches us that it’s okay to feel sad, that it’s okay to lose, to fail, to cry, to scream, [to swear,] to be you’’ (MovieSketch 2021, 0:46).

    What do you want to be in the future? What do you want to achieve? What dreams do you want to chase? What do you want to do after your studies? How are you going to use your studies during the rest of your life? The answers to these questions that we ask each other and ourselves involve a job, an identity, or an individual goal you will spend the rest of your life chasing and maybe, hopefully, one day achieving. But who decides that you have reached your dream? What if you don’t reach it? What happens, what do you do, what are you left with? What if you find out that what you have always wanted is simply not possible? It is not yours to become, to one day be? The existentialist, nihilist, tragi-comedy Little Miss Sunshine (2006) gives possible answers to these questions. For this review, along the lines of Richard’s nine-step ‘‘Refuse to Lose’’ program, I have made a nine-step Accept to Lose program, based on what the film tries to teach its audience.

    Step 1: Realise that it is bullshit to ‘‘Refuse to Lose’’

    ‘‘You say to me: ‘Life is hard to bear.’ But wherefore would you have in the morning your pride and in the evening your resignation?’’ (Nietzsche 2005, 36).

    Together, some of them more willingly than others, the family Hoover goes on a road trip to California to make Olive’s dream of participating in the national Little Miss Sunshine pageant come true. During this journey, every character is also on their own journey, chasing their dreams. None of the family members truly reaches the goals they set for themselves, none of them become who they wish they could be. On their individual journeys they are confronted with this failing and the questions that come with it, questions that push them to develop themselves: When have you actually reached your goal, your dream? Do you play by society’s rules while chasing your dream? Do you need recognition from other people? If so, from whom? Do you want to accept it when you fail? Can you accept it when you fail? Do you really need to ‘‘refuse to lose’’ in order to win, or can you also win when you lose?

    Step 2: Realise that not achieving your dream doesn’t make you a loser, a failure

    ‘‘There are two kinds of people in this world: winners and losers’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 1:25).

    There are those who get what they want and those who don’t, those who never give up and those who do, those who achieve their dream and those whose dreams end in failure. If you make your dreams come true, you are a winner, you are successful, you are hard-working, you are a go-getter, you are an example for other people. If you don’t, you are a loser, you are lazy, you gave up on yourself, you gave up on your dreams, you haven’t sacrificed enough, you are a failure. If that is true, Little Miss Sunshine (2006) is a film about a family of failures. The members of the family Hoover are divorced, suicidal, bankrupt, colour blind, addicted to heroin, and not the prettiest girl in town. They all have dreams they are chasing, but none of them achieve their dreams. What does it really say about who you are when you fail? To what extent do our dreams make us who we are? Winning or losing has nothing to do with where you end up, nor with achieving your goals, nor with being better than other people. You can lose big, but still be a winner.

    Step 3: Set boundaries on what you are willing to sacrifice for your dreams

    ‘‘Whatever happens, you tried to do something on your own. […] You took a big chance, that took guts, and I’m proud of you’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 40:58).

    Is betting everything you have on your dream, sacrificing everything for it, the way to achieve it? And what happens if you bet and sacrifice everything, but still don’t succeed? What do you do with the emptiness and the void you fall into after that? In his dream of making his nine-step program work and receiving recognition for it from a big audience, Richard bets his family both financially and emotionally. The rest of the family loathes him for his demands. He doesn’t bring in that much money with his job, driving his family to bankruptcy and putting the strain of providing for the family entirely on his wife Sheryl. After her first marriage ended in divorce, and her family fell apart, Sheryl is trying to keep this family together, to make it work. In doing so, she sacrifices her own wants and needs to support her husband with a dream she actually thinks is nonsense, pointless and doomed to fail. I think it would have given her character more depth if she would also have had a dream that isn’t related to her being a good mother, wife and sister. A dream she had to push away or sacrifice to be able to provide for her family. This is implicitly mentioned in the film, but it would have been better if the directors had made it explicit as well.

    Sheryl’s son, Dwayne, also makes big sacrifices for his dream. He focuses on nothing other than his goal of becoming a pilot for the Air Force. In order to achieve this goal he sacrifices his relationships with other people, isolates himself and takes a vow of silence. When he fails, he has nothing left to fall back on.

    Step 4: Focus on being YOUR best, not on being THE best

    ‘‘There is no sense in entering a contest if you don’t think you’re gonna win’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 20:39).

    Richard is blind to his family’s needs and keeps pushing them to always be THE best, he strains them in his demand for perfection. Jonathan Decker (therapist) describes the situation as follows: ‘‘The family starts tearing at the seams because of this perfectionism. Because we’re not focused on being YOUR best. We’re focused on being THE best.’’ Valerie Faris (director): ‘‘As if that’s even an achievable goal’’ (Cinema Therapy 2024, 6:49-6:57). Therapist Jonathan Decker and director Valerie Faris make an interesting point here, because is it even possible to achieve a dream that is based on the idea of being THE best? That is based on winning? When do you achieve your dream? What and whom does it depend on? What can you control? You have to focus on what lies in your power, not of what is outside of your power. You are in control of being YOUR best, what you can’t control is being THE best, because you can’t control other people. You are in control of how you see yourself, you aren’t in control of how other people see you and whether you will be recognised as having achieved your dream by others. You are in control of trying, journeying, chasing your dream, you aren’t in control of the specific outcome that you are trying to achieve.

    Step 5: Realise that success isn’t permanent

    ‘‘I just want everyone here to know that I am the preeminent Proust scholar in the United States’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 32:00).

    ‘‘Did I mention that I am the preeminent Proust scholar in the U.S.?’’ (1:00:06).

    Even if you have achieved your goal, have reached your dream, this isn’t always static and permanent (MovieSketch 2021, 2:29). This becomes clear in the character of Frank. He had reached his goal and became the preeminent Proust scholar in the U.S. Not only did he see himself that way, he was also recognised as such by other scholars. He didn’t merely do HIS best, he became THE best. So, shouldn’t he have been introduced as the example for the rest of the family? As the achiever of the nine-step program? The one who reached his dream, who can now tell the others how it is done? No, instead he has hit rock bottom at the very beginning of the film, he has attempted to take his own life. It is only a matter of time before he also loses his dream, gets dethroned and someone else becomes the number one Proust scholar in the U.S.

    Step 6: Realise that failure isn’t final

    ‘‘Fuck beauty contests. Life is one fucking beauty contest after another. You know: school, then college, then work, fuck that. […] You do what you love, and fuck the rest’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 1:24:02).

    So if you have achieved your dream and then lose it, or if you don’t achieve it at all, where does that leave you? What if you lose everything you have and all hope is lost? What is still in your control? Sometimes you hit a wall, you are obstructed in achieving your dream by your own incapability, or by the rules, regulations, and expectations of society. But just as achieving your dream won’t last forever, failure isn’t the end, it’s not final. You can find another way, dreams can change. Life isn’t about trying harder than you actually can, sacrificing everything to ensure a certain outcome, to achieve your dream. It is about dreaming, about hoping, about accepting failures and seeing them as stepping stones, as teaching moments, not within a nine-step program to success, but within your development as a human being. Life isn’t about individually trying to chase your big hopes and dreams. Of course, those can give direction, but eventually it is about finding hope and dreams in the small things, in your everyday life. It is about failing, learning not only to accept failure, to accept set-backs, but to embrace them, learn from them, be aware of the opportunities they give, and see them as a part of your life.

    Step 7: Support each other’s dreams and failures

    ‘‘Whatever happens, we’re a family. And what’s important is that we love each other’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 51:55).

    Little Miss Sunshine (2006) shows that no one exists in a vacuum. Chasing your own dreams, achieving them, focussing on your individual goals isn’t enough. Life is about connection: connection to other people, connection to the people you love, and who love you. It’s about supporting each other, helping each other work for your dreams, being there for each other when there are set-backs. None of the family members achieve their goals, except maybe Olive and Edward, of whom you could say they made their dreams come true, even if it’s in a way they hadn’t envisioned. In the end, the family members are able to be there for each other, support each other, and accept each other, and in turn feel supported and accepted by the other members of the family. Helping those close to you chase their dream in addition to chasing your own dream and being supported in that dream makes that you can share the happiness when that dream is achieved, but also that you can share the disappointment and sadness when that dream fails.

    Step 8: Accept others for who they are and accept yourself for who you are

    ‘‘We gotta let Olive be Olive’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 1:28:14).

    Human beings are dynamic, they change. A future you envision now, may not be the future you want when that future becomes the present. Dreams change all the time. Dreams, success, failure, they all build the road you walk during your life, every moment again. Instead of keeping your eyes on the future and thinking about what life will be like, what you will make of yourself, who you will, maybe one day, be, instead of asking questions like: What do you want to achieve? What do you want to become? What/Who do you want to be? More interesting may be to keep your eyes on the here and now, on how you are developing yourself, on what is happening in the world in this moment, on who you are, and to ask questions like: Who am I right now? What is my life like? Is that the life I want for myself, or do I want to change something? What do I want to change? What lies within my power to change? What drives me? What interests me? Whom do I support? Who are the people that support me? Whose support do I want or need? What is happening in the world right now? How do I want to relate to that? What am I willing to sacrifice now for achieving my dreams in the future? How far am I willing to go and what lines do I not want to cross? What are my smaller dreams? What are my big dreams and goals in life? When have I achieved those, if ever? How do the dreams I have for the future influence how I live my life now? Is that what I want? Is that who I am?

    Step 9: Accept that there are only 8 real steps in this Accept to Lose nine-step program. I could have come up with a 9th one, but that’s not the point…

    ‘‘A real loser is somebody that’s so afraid of not winning that they don’t even try. And you are trying, right?’’ (Dayton & Faris 2006, 2006, 45:30).


    Bibliography

    Cinema Therapy. 2024. ‘‘Therapist Reacts to Little Miss Sunshine with Directors Jonathan Dayton & Valerie Faris.’’ Youtube Website. Therapist Reacts to LITTLE MISS SUNSHINE with Directors Jonathan Dayton & Valerie Faris – YouTube.

    Dayton, Jonathan & Faris, Valerie. 2006. Little Miss Sunshine. United States: Searchlight Pictures, Big Beach, Bona Fide Productions, Deep River Productions, Third Gear Productions & Major Studio Partners.

    MovieSketch. 2021. ‘‘Why I Watch Little Miss Sunshine When I’m Sad.’’ YouTube Website. Character Teaser – Vala | AFK Journey (youtube.com).

    Nietzsche, Friedrich. 2005. Thus Spoke Zarathustra. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Sohn, Jin-Young. n.d. ‘‘How Does ‘‘Little Miss Sunshine’’ Reflect The Philosophies Of Proust And Nietzsche?’’ The Take Website. How does “Little Miss Sunshine” reflect the philosophies of Proust and Nietzsche? | Read | The Take (the-take.com).

  • Sowing Seeds of the Future

    I hope for a Future

    when We can just be,

    when We don’t have to choose 

    an identity,

    when We can exist

    in Our complexity,


    I hope for a Future

    when We can be free,

    of every division,

    class, and category,

    restacking the deck,

    of history,


    I hope for a Future

    without hostility,

    when We put emphasis

    on empathy,

    when connection, compassion,

    is all We see,


    I hope for a Future

    when We can just be,

    I’m starting this Future

    making it Reality,


    do You hope for a Future,

    when We can just be?

    are You starting a Future,

    this Future with Me?

  • The Hopes and Dreams of a Student in a Foreign Country

    There is a Portuguese word for a melancholic feeling of remembrance, of longing for someone or something that has been past, the absence of a once pleasing experience that is currently not being lived. The word is Saudade. It cannot be translated very well, and perhaps that is what makes it so dear to all of us Portuguese-speakers. The fact that it is something exclusive emphasizes the feeling of togetherness within the Portuguese-speaking community, and gives space for a discussion about all the things that provoke Saudade in someone. Saudade relates to a particular void you find within yourself – to that empty part of your heart or your soul –  because you no longer have something that once gave you joy. Nostalgia might be close, but that only considers the past, it does not provoke a hollowness in you where there once was something so dear and so good.

    In an editorial team meeting on the theme of the next Splijtstof issue, with much discussion, and the permanent, ever-agonizing feeling of Saudade in the back of my mind, the editor-in-chief, Sophie, challenged me to write a piece on this feeling exactly. I was asked to think about writing on the concept of living abroad, studying philosophy, and battling many different emotions, all with one end: to follow my hopes and my dreams. How can Saudade relate to the future and how can the present accommodate such a feeling of emptiness? The feeling of pursuing a goal is something so thrilling and yet so terrifying. It is part of pursuing your own hopes and dreams and therefore Saudade should always be given free rein to carry out its business.

    You can have Saudade for everything, anything a person, a place, a vacation, a lost sensation, your favourite pastry, and so on. The first thing that comes to mind, for me, is my home. As a student who decided to leave my country in search of new, different, opportunities, I have to say that the feeling that takes over my body the most is the feeling of Saudade. I miss my home, my spot near the beach, my mother, my dog, the daily morning espresso with cinnamon, the traditional and not-so-crass crassness of the man working at the café. I miss speaking my own language, being able to relate on a deeper level with the people walking next to me on the street, exchanging a glance with a stranger and sighing when the line in front of us is too long, being able to express myself in a way that doesn’t require an explanation of a term as long as the one I am writing now.

    The reality is that I left all of this behind. I had my own ambitions that required moving countries and studying there. This entailed starting a whole new life in a place that, quite frankly, is extremely alien from all that I had previously known. Mind you, I mean no disrespect towards the life I have now. I have found my own new reality, one which includes a 4 euro Latte Macchiato, a language barrier that makes me slightly uncomfortable – but not enough to make me leave – and an awful lot of biking. I have chosen this life. Whereas the life I had at home was the life that was given to me: a product of the hard work of my parents and the result of years of tradition in an ancient country. I didn’t really have a say in the way I lived my life. Even though I do, theoretically, have my own rationality, as an individual, independent thinker, who can choose to do things for myself, the deeper truth is that my old life was based on following a crowd, following all that had been done before me. It was based on comfort in tradition, and comfort in what had already been confirmed as efficient and productive.

    The fact that one does not move in an autonomous direction but rather in a flow that is not one’s own, is a reflection of how small we are. In this world, with one minor decision, your whole life can change. You are suddenly a small fish in the ocean, with endless possibilities, hopes, and dreams big enough to fill the entire ocean. Saudade is a way of staying in your own sea, in your own little river, a comfortable place that allows you to not make decisions for yourself, to flow with the current, and still live a relatively comfortable but slightly mediocre life. Saudade, in this sense, undermines the rationality that was so vehemently emphasized during the Enlightenment period; a rationality which many people so strongly advocate for today. This is the idea of being enlightened as a way to step out of the minority which life has set upon you. Making haste to consciously decide to grow and develop one’s own rationality, without interference, is a very Kantian Perspective of Enlightenment, one which I regard as key for anyone with a big decision on their hands.

    To follow my dreams, I chose a new life. I stepped out of the bubble that for so long had coddled me and devised in me a person who loved her nationality, who loved her home, her language, her food, her ability to express the term Saudade. I have learned new things, in fact, I might have learned more from the philosophy life has taught me (by suddenly living alone in a completely different country), than from the philosophy a professor has taught me at a violently early 8:30 a.m. class about Mbembe and his necro-political philosophical theories.

    Choosing to pursue an ambition is a difficult task, one which, I think, is underestimated and taken for granted in the western world. I have found that most people take moving out alone at a mere 18/19 years old to be standard, not necessarily to change countries, but to study and live alone at such a young age is seen as normal. It is a phenomenon that I believe is not discussed on the level it should be discussed. Following your dreams should not automatically entail the pain and anxiety that moving abroad does. From learning what type of olive oil to buy, to knowing that there are certain sweaters that I cannot simply throw in the washing machine, to missing my mother’s hug at the end of an endless-seeming day, none of it is easy. It is an excruciatingly painful, slightly boring, definitely confusing, and excitingly curious process. And this rollercoaster of emotions is exactly what we ought to build on.

    I feel there ought to be some sort of explanation, a disclaimer about all of these emotions when making a conscious decision of following ambitions. It is important to understand that a long process of hardship, fun, emptiness, partying, loneliness, and sometimes all of them simultaneously, will await students. This was something I was not prepared for.

    I was not prepared to follow my hopes and dreams and be met with despair and shocking reality. The thing that perhaps would have helped me was if there were more conversations about how following one’s dreams entails a staggering reality check, where my new truth and new reality was not always ‘dreamy’ and ‘hope-y’. The life I had chosen was the opposite of all that I had previously lived, different to all that I had known and that had known me.

    I try to put these feelings, these confusions, and pains into words, to talk about them with my friends, to see if there is a way of relating them to me, but verbalizing my anxieties is never easy. And so, I am limited to writing, which is what most people turn to in times of distress. Writing, as a way to get rid of my uncertainties, takes me to poetry:


    The seagulls have become crows

    The sound of waves has become the sound of trees

    The sand has become grass.

    The time passes fast, but slow?

    The sun remains the same

    when it is there, that is.

    But the place changed

    The habits changed

    The friends changed

    The house is not the same

    The pillow doesn’t embrace my heavy head in the same way,

    Coffee has a different taste, not exactly good.

    But the heart is there.

    Split between two places

    In a constant crossroads

    Not knowing where to belong.

    maybe to both, who knows.

    My soul longs for something.

    I am yet to discover what that is.

    I don’t know if it is the feeling of having something complete…

    For I feel so incomplete

    and at the same time so full.


    My current reality is bleak, raw, and uncertain. But one thing is for sure, choosing to pursue my hopes and dreams might not have been easy, but it is a changing process, it is an inconstant and beautiful oscillation filled with Saudade and one which is strictly necessary for my personal growth. Without the challenges that life gives you, what is your life but an extension of that which came before you? Making your own choices, following your dreams, giving in to your hopes, entails making sacrifices, but at least they are your own sacrifices. Take it as an ode to (Kantian) Enlightenment, to emancipation, to being able to make educated decisions for yourself; that, certainly, looks better on paper.

  • Nijmegen for Palestine: Demands for Radboud University

    Nijmegen for Palestine (NFP) has made the point clear: Radboud must suspend ties with Israeli universities. And yet our university does not listen. In order to give NFP the space to express themselves and provide a detailed and nuanced account of their demands, I interviewed some members, and asked them about their organisation: who is NFP, and what do they want?

    There are, in this discussion, a few individuals to introduce:

    • Jihad is a Palestinian man and student at the HAN University of Applied Sciences in Nijmegen.
    • Mike is a Jewish activist and student of Medical/Human Biology at Radboud University in Nijmegen.
    • Gijs is a Dutch activist and student of Philosophy, Politics and Society at Radboud. 
    • Anya Topolski is an associate professor of Philosophical Ethics and Political Philosophy at Radboud. She is also the founder of the NGO Another Jewish Voice (Belgium). She was consulted on these topics.
    • I am a British man and activist, also a student of Philosophy, Politics and Society at Radboud.

    On the 17th of November Jihad, Mike, Gijs and I sat down to discuss the ongoing war in Palestine and the aims of NFP. Nijmegen for Palestine is a democratic collective of students and activists united in their shared commitment to activism in solidarity with Palestine. In light of the terrible crimes committed by Israel and Hamas, their operations and membership have expanded.

    This article was written in order to publish an exposé on the organisation of NFP in their own words. The demands for Radboud University are not solely formulated by NFP, but rather by the Students for Palestine organisation and aimed at many Dutch universities. NFP has tailored their demands slightly to meet its needs from Radboud.

    Like Jihad, Mike and Gijs, I too am deeply concerned with the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Genocide is to be defined here as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group” (Segal 2023). Segal’s article, published in Jewish Currents ominously concludes: “Israel’s goal is to destroy the Palestinians of Gaza.” We are therefore united in our aims to question Radboud’s official position and decision to remain silent in the face of genocide. It is important to us all that we engage with the university and pressure it to act in light of the ongoing war in Palestine.

    This article will outline the four key aims of NFP with regards to Radboud University:

    • Taking an active stance because there can be no neutrality.
    • Transparent disclosure and severance of all official ties with Israeli universities.
    • The establishment of direct, institutional, and official ties with Palestinian students and universities.
    • To encourage academic freedom and discussion, and an end to the academic censorship.

    Non-Neutrality

    The first demand of NFP is to take a moral stance and condemn genocide. While academics from various faculties are actively educating students, Radboud as a formal institution makes no comment. In a statement on 20th October, Radboud claimed to be “concerned about the armed conflict in Israel and the Palestinian Territories” and to “speak out against any violation of human rights.” (Radboud 2023). Radboud spoke out against Russia following its invasion of Ukraine, actively condemning the war (Radboud 2022). So there is a strong precedent for taking an active stance in relation to politics. “Russian institutions were boycotted, and the language used in statements was very direct and unambiguous. But when it’s done by allies of the of the Netherlands, it’s not the same,” says Mike.

    My first question to the activists was therefore: how do you perceive this “neutral” stance?

    Mike: “Neutrality promotes the idea that the status quo, the state of affairs of the last 75 years, is neutral. A lot of colonial violence is just hidden behind a fog of so-called neutrality.” 

    Gijs: “By aligning themselves with the status quo, Radboud fails to recognise what is happening in Palestine. It implicitly agrees with the frame that Palestinians are the aggressor and that Israel’s actions are legitimate forms of self-defence. This completely ignores the Nakba, 75 years of ethnic cleansing, the ongoing settling of the West Bank, the brutal imprisonment of 2 million people in Gaza, and the fact that Israel’s actions in Gaza right now effectively amounts to genocide.” 

    Leading academics of the discipline of settler-colonialism (Salamanca et al 2012), academics at Radboud (Topolski 2023) and academics at Israeli universities themselves (Bashīr and Goldberg 2019) all resound with NFP in condemnation of the ongoing genocide in Palestine. The list of academics from Radboud and the wider academic community joining in condemnation is long and loud.

    Radboud, however, chooses to project impartiality.

    Jihad: “This is not neutrality, but inhumanity.”

    It’s an alignment with the status quo of slow genocide. “This status quo”, he added, “is that the Netherlands does not recognise Palestinian identity. The Dutch government denies Palestine as a country’s legitimacy. As Radboud has set its own precedent of actively condemning war and human rights violations, neutrality over Palestine actually means to side with this narrative, to stand with the government’s position, which is firmly pro-Israel, and to stand with Israel, in ongoing genocide.”

    I therefore asked NFP, what exactly do they want in terms of university positioning?

    Mike: “Clear official positioning. In line with the calls of other universities in the Netherlands, there must be acknowledgement of the fact that there is a genocide happening. Condemnation of the war. Like they did with Russia.”

    Academic Boycott

    The second demand of NFP is the disclosure and freezing of all official academic ties with Israeli universities. Dutch universities in the 1980s boycotted apartheid South Africa, and Radboud effectively boycotted Russia in 2022 (Radboud 2022). This shows, again, that there’s a precedent set. 

    I therefore asked NFP: Why do you call for the disclosure of ties?

    Mike: “There is a lot of information concerning the connections that we just don’t know, because it is it just not available. So we just don’t know in which way Radboud is cooperating with Israeli institutions.”

    Gijs: “Universities in the Netherlands (although Radboud is a little different because of its status as a special university), have democratic elements. We have the student council here, and the point is to have some democratic decision making for students. But that doesn’t work if we can’t know anything about the actual policy of Radboud. If everything is opaque, how are we going to make a decision about something that we don’t know about?”

    “What exactly does this academic boycott entail?” I asked.

    Mike: “Academic boycott in the sense of no cooperation with Israeli academic institutions, even if it isn’t specifically on projects facilitating genocide, that it is still cooperating with institutions whose purpose it is to maintain these settler-colonial relations.”

    My next question was: “Why do you want to freeze these ties?”

    Gijs: “Israeli universities support their governments, just as Dutch universities are of their government, of course. They support the Israeli military with their research so we find it very problematic that our university, democratic, where we think we should have a say, supports an ongoing genocide.”

    The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement clearly documents Israeli Universities, partner universities of Radboud, in their complicity with the Israeli state and its actions in Palestine. “Tel Aviv University, for example, has developed tens of weapon systems and the ‘Dahiya doctrine’ of disproportionate force employed by the Israeli military” (see Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, and Khalidi 2014). To sever ties with these institutions means to sever ties with the academic arm of a state that is committing genocide.

    Furthermore, NFP argues, as a democratic university Radboud must listen to their scholars and students. In light of the genocide in Gaza, 19 professors at the university organised a teach-in to educate students on the war. Since then, they have created a public seminar series called the Situating Palestine Collective, in which Radboud itself plays no part. The collective is quickly growing and has already hosted two events at the time of writing.

    Gijs: “Radboud must listen to the critical scholars they employ: what they say about this, how they understand the war in the context of genocide and settler colonialism. They specifically employ these scholars because they are knowledgeable about these topics. I think it would be a great step for Radboud to take to make use of this knowledge and listen to their employees.”

    Build Direct Solidarity with Palestinian Students and Universities

    A self-described “emancipatory” university “committed to equal rights for social and cultural minorities” (Radboud Mission, n.d.), Radboud markets itself as an emancipatory university.

    I asked: “How do you propose Radboud builds solidarity with Palestinian universities and students?”

    Mike: “Radboud needs to amplify Palestinian voices and involve them more in the academic knowledge production. It must join movements initiated by Palestinian students, as well as offer scholarships, offer funding, initiate programmes that do epistemic justice to Palestinians and build university connections with suitable Palestinian partners.”

    Gijs: “[The marginalisation of Palestinian voices] undermines the idea that Radboud is a decolonial university. Because through Israel, it protects colonial interests of the West in the Middle East area.”

    Mike: “Radboud sees itself as a critical university, yet it never makes public statements in opposition to the interests of the Dutch government.”

    Academics of the Philosophy faculty seemingly agree; they are providing informative lectures on the Nakba and Shoah. At the second lecture entitled ‘Situating Palestine through the Lens of Settle Colonialism’, Dr Noura Alkhalili (from Palestine) outlined her struggle for higher education at Birzeit University (through her experience during the 2nd Intifada), given how Palestinian universities are constantly targeted and systematically silenced and isolated.

    Radboud itself must cooperate with the Situating Palestine Collective, and support Palestinian academics, rather than remaining neutral and upholding the government position. To fulfil the “emancipatory” criteria they set themselves, Radboud and other universities must distance themselves from governments and entrenched Zionism.

    Radboud must therefore be willing to take a critical stance and “change perspective” (Radboud’s motto) on the mainstream media/government narrative that Israel is a legitimate actor in this conflict. In order to uphold its projected emancipatory identity, action is needed, not simple marketing campaigns. Radboud should build connections with Palestinian universities, offer scholarships to Palestinian students. This way they can contribute to amplifying Palestinian voices in the West Bank and Gaza. 

    Jihad: “To do so otherwise constitutes the usual hypocrisy of the Western political community.”

    According to Dr. Anya Topolski, what Jihad refers to as hypocrisy and many European liberals refer to as double standards, are “quite simply the true colours of the structural racism of the legal and political system we have built.”

    Political institutions have been built for those in what Franz Fanon calls the zone of being, what Dr. Topolski has theorised as the zone of the humanised. This is the zone in which we can speak of a legal framework, appeal to rights and freedoms. It is also the zone of administration and regulation, of material resources and recognition – it is a zone where we can articulate and have individual identities and stories. While most in Europe live in this zone, not all; the undocumented, the homeless, the poor. Those excluded from the zone of being have a very different lived experience, one much closer to those of many other parts of the world – the zone of non-being, the zone of the damned of the earth, the zone of dehumanisation. In this world there are no rights and no recognition, there are no individual names or stories, just numbers. There is continuous oppression, violence, poverty. This is the world most Palestinians have been living in since the Nakba. While slowly more and more people are willing to see this, for too long many chose not to see it.

    Though we might want to see this as double standards, the reality is that this is part of structural racism foundational to the political and legal system we have established in the aftermath of the Shoah. It is tragic that it is now being used to silence academic freedom and Palestinian stories and voices. This, we believe, epitomises the need for Radboud to build direct solidarity with Palestinian universities and individuals.

    Encourage Academic Freedom and End Academic Censorship

    When our discussion came to the issue of academic freedom, NFP has plenty to say. 

    Jihad: “We need to make it clear we are not antisemitic. To support Palestinians against Zionism is in no way antisemitic.”

    Since the recent rise in violence from October 7th onward, the world has seen tragic rises in both Islamophobia and antisemitism (Yang 2023). This rise in hate entails that activism and education are ever more crucial. Conversation is needed to help not only maintain a safe space for everyone, but to address the systemic problems we’re facing here; both in Islamophobia and antisemitism. 

    Mike: “As a Jewish person I feel very safe with the Palestinian solidarity movement. Antisemitism is just not part of the movement because people understand that they’re fighting against genocide.”

    The current silence on campus (except for the demonstrations of NFP) is seen as an issue. NFP’s demands state that: “We believe the university’s silence as this genocide unfolds has created a socially unsafe atmosphere that implicitly intimidates and suppresses our academic freedom.”

    The university must maintain appropriate safe spaces that facilitate dialogue and prevent hatred. They should not leave this in the hands of students and professors but take responsibility for the administration of the campus, as is their prerogative. When this is done, Radboud can support critical discussion on the war in Palestine. 

    Jihad: “Here in the Netherlands, news from a Palestinian perspective cannot be seen in the Dutch language – no way. You have to go to Al-Jazeera or something like that, to watch the real news, from the other perspective. All the Western media is just one perspective, so we need to break that illusion, ideally through education.”

    Conclusion

    In our interview, NFP outlined their four main demands for Radboud University:

    • End the neutral stance. 
    • Support the academic boycott of Israeli universities.
    • Build solidarity with Palestinian academia. 
    • Promote academic freedom over censorship.

    I join calls with NFP for our universities as democratic institutions to listen, to change and to act. Radboud cannot continue to stay silent and complicit with Israeli genocide in Palestine.

    NFP organises regular demonstrations, events and more. Information can be found on Instagram: @NijmegenforPalestine.

    More of Charlie’s articles can be found online at: https://charliehardsw.wixsite.com/politics.

  • The Fall of Western Puritanical Morality as a Descriptor of Cultural Variation

    Introduction

    Cultural evolution is a notion that describes social practices and beliefs as continually changing. While humans are in a continuous process of biological evolution, their sociocultural practices are also transforming. Particularly, practices of puritanical morality are changing due to cultural evolution. These are practices whereby one’s actions align with cultural standards of what is considered pure. Puritanical morality can be understood as a double-sided coin, with ideas about what is pure and good on one side, and ideas about what is disgusting and bad on the flip side. This paper will focus on the impact cultural evolution has on puritanical morality while also acknowledging variations in the way it manifests in different cultures across the globe. This is a topic of interest in contemporary society because it entails discussions about how different societies have different practices and why those who are not a member of a society may not understand the purpose of these practices.

    A notable change to puritanical morality is the decline of its presence in Western societies. Cultural evolutionary theorists like Fitouchi, André and Baumard have proposed possible explanations for why Western practices are no longer, or significantly less, puritanical. However, in their explanation, the three co-authors propose that Western societies no longer need puritanical morality to remain orderly. They present the argument that Western culture has evolved, changing individuals’ psychologies to the extent that they are more disciplined than those of other societies. Consequently, this paper will argue that their approach towards non-Western societies is needlessly ethnocentric[1]. In doing so, an alternative approach will be formulated, conceptualising puritanical morality as a form of conventionality and, therefore, a single descriptor of cultural variation that does not make any society more advanced than another.

    Therefore, this paper will begin with an examination of Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s approach to the fall of Western puritanical morality. In analysing the implicit assumptions made by these theorists, criticism of their argumentation will be formulated. Next, this paper will consider what exactly is meant by “puritanical morality”, resulting in the claim that it is a form of conventionality consisting of social norms. After establishing that puritanical morality practices are (often) not moral in an objective, righteous sense, this paper will explore the alternative account of declining Western puritanical morality. This exploration will include an explanation of why this approach overcomes the issues raised about Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s view, ultimately leading to the conclusion that cultural evolution has brought differing norms and practices to all societies, whereby none can be considered better than others.

    The Fall of Puritanical Morality in the West

    In order to investigate the perceived fall of puritanical morality practices in Western societies, one may consider the explanation proposed by Fitouchi, André and Baumard in their 2022 paper addressing the topic. Their publication, “Moral disciplining: The cognitive and evolutionary foundations of puritanical morality” (2022), reflects on the function of puritanical values in contemporary societies. They consider the extent of this function to vary from one society to another over time, resulting in the argument that specifically Western societies no longer need puritanical morality.

    Nonetheless, before an accurate analysis of Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s explanation can be formulated, one must first examine what they consider to be puritanical morality. In the aforementioned paper, they describe puritanism as moral concerns “governing domains as various as sex, food, clothing, self-discipline, entertainments, and ritual observance” (2022, 6). In this sense, one’s mode of living may be significantly affected by the puritanical values upheld in the societal context in which they are situated. They also define puritanical morality as a strict, self-disciplinary “moralization of apparently victimless pleasures that humans crave” (2022, 4). Hence, people may desire to partake in some behaviours but abstain because the behaviour runs contrary to a moral sense of righteousness or purity.

    Though, it is important to note that the rejection of many supposed cravings is historically present in most societies. Despite the seemingly negligible overlap in domains such as food and clothing, Fitouchi, André and Baumard refer to studies suggesting that over 80% of the world’s population adheres to the same puritanical values (2022, 6). This statistic is demonstrated by the use of religious and spiritual communities as examples. These are considered contexts where many puritanical values co-occur despite the domains in which they govern having little to no compositional overlap. Meanwhile, research conducted by Curry, Mullins and Whitehouse implies that seven values are believed to be morally good worldwide. They propose that some well-established, universal forms of cooperation result in these seven morals: family values, group loyalty, reciprocity, bravery, respect, fairness, and property rights (2019, 48). Their research further supports the claim that moral values and judgement thereof can transcend sociocultural contexts, at least to an extent. Therefore, Fitouchi, André and Baumard illustrate that puritanical morality entails many human societies adhering to a set of seemingly unrelated values. The fact that a significant portion of the world’s population historically agrees that some practices are inherently wrong is a crucial element of this paper since, as these authors note, puritanical morality seems to be related to cultural evolution.

    Nonetheless, the cultural evolutionary approach in Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s paper attempts to explain the decline of puritanical morality in specifically Western societies. They borrow the term “WEIRD societies” from Henrich, referring to “Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic societies” (Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan 2010, 1). From this point onwards, this paper will also borrow Henrich’s term. Before applying their explanation to WEIRD societies, Fitouchi, André and Baumard lay the groundwork for their argument. They claim that practising puritanical morality increases self-control because it allows people to “remain peaceful neighbors, faithful husbands and wives, industrious workers” (2022, 9). Consequently, the practices condemned by puritanical morality beliefs are perceived as socially harmful. Thus, at the core of their argument lies the notion that puritanical morality prevents social harm caused by people who otherwise lack self-control.

    Next, Fitouchi, André and Baumard apply this principle to the declining puritanical morality practised in WEIRD societies. They claim that puritanical morality is costly, restricting some pleasures and imposing “effortful disciplinary activities” (2022, 35). Therefore, puritanical norms should only be warranted when the result is worth the cost. As such, the argument follows that the cost is appropriate in situations where “spontaneous self-control” is not enough to “ensure social order and acceptable levels of cooperation” (Fitouchi, André, and Baumard 2022, 35). Meanwhile, in what they describe as “rich environments” such as WEIRD societies, people generally have “more inherently self-controlled psychologies”, “invest more in extended prosociality”, “are less susceptible to impulsive defection or retaliation”, and “have higher trust in others” (2022, 35-36). In terms of cultural evolution, this argumentation implies that WEIRD people’s individual psychologies have progressed beyond the need for puritanical practices, as this decline is noticed in changing alcohol consumption patterns over the course of the past millennium (Vallee 1998, 80). In this particular example, alcohol use has rapidly transformed from a type of medicine to an indispensable source of calories, and, today, a regularly relied-upon “social lubricant” (Vallee 1998, 80-81).

    Meanwhile, in formulating their argument, Fitouchi, André and Baumard refer to Michael Walzer’s publication, “Puritanism as a Revolutionary Ideology” (1963). He analyses a variety of case studies in which puritanical morality was considered helpful in maintaining social order. One particular study follows the punishment of poorly-behaved children who were believed to be deviating from puritanical norms. Although it is important to recognise that Walzer’s article is approximately sixty years old, he suggests that a father embodies the role of governing a family and disciplining the children. He argues that this role is due to an “extraordinary fear of disorder and anarchy” (Walzer 1963, 85). Fitouchi, André and Baumard apply their argumentation to Walzer’s analysis of this case by suggesting that weak-willed individuals who are “perpetually tempted by selfishness” (2022, 35) must rely on puritanical morality in order for their societies to function. They begin with the idea that (Western) authoritarian punishment, such as the father disciplining his children in Walzer’s case, leads to rich environments where people “view others as spontaneously cooperative” (Fitouchi, André, and Baumard 2022, 35). Therefore, members of these rich environments – hence, WEIRD societies – are believed to have started viewing each other as instinctively self-controlled and trustworthy.

    Thus, Fitouchi, André and Baumard suggest that a fear of social disorder led to stricter disciplining of individuals who deviated from puritanical norms. The argument follows that this discipline and punishment has played a key role in WEIRD cultural evolution whereby individuals became inherently more self-controlled and trusting of others. Consequently, the three thinkers propose their explanation of the declining puritanical morality in the West on this basis.

    Issues with Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s Account

    Despite recognising cultural differences in puritanical morality today, Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s argumentation has considerable cultural evolutionary consequences. Particularly, in suggesting that WEIRD societies are more self-controlled, disciplined and trustworthy than non-WEIRD societies, they maintain a needlessly ethnocentric approach. Their argumentation leads to the implication that non-WEIRD people are less psychologically advanced and that they are falling behind WEIRD people in terms of cultural evolution. While it is the case that each society and culture has evolved in a unique way, Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s suggestion that individuals in WEIRD societies have evolved to better embody attributes such as trustworthiness and self-discipline appears to be implicitly biased.

    The three authors are themselves situated in a WEIRD sociocultural context, meaning that they are accustomed to Western values and acquainted with Western development. Particularly, Western economic and industrial development has resulted in “living in highly dense urban population centres” (Heigham 2019). Although the emergence of densely populated areas is not a uniquely Western phenomenon, further research indicates that WEIRD people have relatively high expectations in problem-solving due to the abundance and wide accessibility of technology. Ecologist Steve Heigham suggests that Western individuals in close proximity to each other may be more compelled to adhere to social norms due to these high expectations (2019). Fitouchi, André and Baumard appear to take this approach, too, in suggesting that WEIRD people have become more trusting of others to adhere to these norms.

    However, this approach to cultural evolution is disputable because the question of how much researchers’ experiences and personal sociocultural contexts influence their arguments remains unanswered. Undeniably, WEIRD people are more acquainted with WEIRD societal practices and behaviours. As Henrich explains in The Secret of Our Success (2016), some practices can only be understood at the group level. This means that often, one cannot know the function or meaning of a cultural practice unless one is a member of the group in which it is practised. The implication of these “causally opaque” (Henrich 2016, 68) practices is that Western authors like Fitouchi, André and Baumard can only understand the function and meaning behind Western practices, in the same way that Heigham explains the relation between norm adherence and technology reliance in problem-solving expectations. The mistake these approaches make is found in their comparisons to non-WEIRD societies because Western researchers can only make assumptions, usually laced with implicit ethnocentric bias, about practices outside of their own sociocultural context.

    Hence, it follows that Fitouchi, André and Baumard attempt to explain the perceived fall of puritanical morality practices in WEIRD societies by comparing them to non-WEIRD societies whose practices cannot be understood by outsiders. Their bias may be unintentional, but since these authors are situated in a WEIRD sociocultural context, they are accustomed to and aware of specific changes in WEIRD norms. This paper is not necessarily claiming that these authors are uneducated or ignorant of changes in non-WEIRD cultural values. Instead, the aim here is to argue for an alternative explanation of the perceived fall of puritanism in WEIRD societies that is not needlessly ethnocentric. Thus, in the sections that follow, this paper will expand upon a cultural evolutionary approach that considers sociocultural norm variation while also acknowledging the significant co-occurrence of some moral values (Curry, Mullins, and Whitehouse 2019, 48).

    Are Puritanical “Morality” Practices Actually Related to Morality?

    In order to conceptualise an alternative account of the supposed fall of puritanical morality in WEIRD societies, one may consider the extent to which puritanical behaviours are actually related to morality. This can be done through an analysis of moral disgust, the idea that humans feel revulsed at another human’s action that fails to “uphold the group or relationship norms” (Nabi 2010, 695-96). Furthermore, an ongoing discussion in several psychological and philosophy of mind domains concerns whether moral disgust is actually related to morality and ethics at all. This discussion plays a key role in discerning the “moral” aspect of puritanical morality since the public response to deviating from puritanical practices is a form of moral disgust. Examples of moral disgust in puritanical practices are seen in negative attitudes towards clothing considered too revealing and excessive alcohol consumption in public spaces. While this relatively short paper cannot divulge all aspects of the moral disgust debate, it will adopt the position that disgust is a matter of convention and use it as a starting point for an alternative account of Western puritanism, or lack thereof.

    First, it is important to consider the core of the moral disgust debate. Like many researchers, Royzman and Kurzman conclude that moral disgust is “elusive” (2011, 270). In analysing a series of experiments, these researchers investigated the expression of moral dyspepsia – a feeling of sickness or disgust at another person’s behaviour. They aimed to analyse the hypothesis that feeling disgusted at someone else’s behaviour is the same kind of disgust induced by the sight of vomit and faeces, for example. While the results were inconclusive, several of the studies examined by Royzman and Kurzman demonstrate that when exposed to bad smells or tastes, the participants generally made more discernible facial expressions when they were aware of being observed (2011, 269-70). This suggests that the expression of disgust may function as a strategic signal. This is relevant to the moral disgust debate because moral disgust may also function as a strategic signal to in-group members, especially in children’s acquisition of social norms.

    Moreover, in discussing the moral reasoning of WEIRD societies, Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan consider the ways in which children develop moral values. Using the Kohlberg model, they illustrate that WEIRD children develop their moral reasoning in three stages: pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional (Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan 2010, 13). During the pre-conventional stage, these children distinguish between right and wrong based on internal standards and consequences – e.g., it is wrong to do something that causes pain. Next, in the conventional stage, morality is based on external standards that maintain the social order of the group – such as the father in Walzer’s case study that disciplined his disorderly children (Walzer 1963, 85). Lastly, WEIRD children enter the post-conventional stage where they no longer rely on another person to teach them how to behave. In this stage, they refer to “abstract ethical principles regarding justice and individual rights – the moral code inherent in most Western constitutions” (Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan 2010, 13). Though, it is essential to note that this moral code should also be considered a form of conventionality since it is a set of rules comprised of generally accepted standards or social norms.

    In terms of the Kohlberg model, puritanical morality can also be considered part of the conventional and post-conventional stages. Despite governing domains that have seemingly little overlap (i.e., food, clothing, sex), puritanical morality functions as a set of generally accepted standards or norms. Puritanical practices may be adopted in the conventional stage, whereby the external standards of respected individuals influence children. Meanwhile, during the post-conventional stage, puritanical practices and values may be present if they play a significant role in the child’s sociocultural context and moral code. For example, Jonathan Haidt analyses puritanical practices in the Hebrew Bible containing “rules about food, menstruation, sex, skin, and the handling of corpses” (2012, 25). Although some may argue that the Hebrew Bible does not play as big of a role in the moral code of many Western societies today, it has significantly influenced this moral code historically. The puritanical morality found in the Hebrew Bible follows a logic of remaining “pure” because purity is associated with God, whereas impurity or dirtiness is associated with animals (Haidt 2012, 110). Haidt notes that disgust may also influence the logic of puritanism since there is often an emotional dimension seen in rules about eating “things that swarm upon the earth” (2012, 25). In this analysis, Haidt asks his reader to consider the emotional dimension in this logic by imagining a swarm of mice rather than a singular mouse, suggesting that induced feelings of disgust towards the possibility of certain actions (i.e., eating mice in this example) have been introduced and maintained by puritanical thinking.

    Despite the Kohlberg model focussing on WEIRD children specifically, it can function as one possible description of the ways in which puritanical morality is a form of conventionality. Specifically, it is a useful description of how WEIRD societies maintained puritanical practices historically while allowing room for changes to normative sources such as external influences and moral codes. Meanwhile, the notion that moral disgust may be a form of strategic signalling is also useful in reconceptualising puritanical morality as conventionality. It can account for at least one aspect of introducing societal norms to children in any sociocultural context, alongside maintaining these norms. When a child successfully discerns a signal of disgust, especially displayed by respected and influential group members, they may also start using this signal. If this is the case for most people in a society, displaying disgust towards a certain behaviour becomes conventional. Therefore, applications of the Kohlberg model and disgust signalling can function as valuable descriptions of puritanical morality as conventionality.

    Thus, the extent to which puritanical morality practices can really be considered a form of morality depends on a society’s conventions constituting what is believed to be moral. These practices are not moral in that they maintain behaviours necessarily and objectively right while condemning those necessarily and objectively wrong. Many people worldwide would disagree that wearing clothing made from two (or more) different fibres is necessarily wrong. Nevertheless, it is believed to be wrong by those in the sociocultural context whereby this clothing practice is condemned. This is an appropriate moment to reiterate Henrich’s claim that some practices are “causally opaque” (2016, 68), meaning that unless a practice is conventional in one’s own society, one may not understand its meaning or function. In this sense, puritanical morality is understood as a form of group-level conventionality whereby the righteousness of its practices is subjective to its context.

    An Alternative Account of the Declining Puritanical Morality in the West

    Thus far, this paper has argued that puritanical morality is not declining in WEIRD societies due to WEIRD people having more self-control and being more trusting of others. There must be another reason for this decline. It has also been argued that puritanical morality is a form of group-level conventionality rather than objective moral righteousness. Consequently, the next appropriate point of analysis entails an alternative account of the declining puritanical morality in the West that acknowledges it as a form of conventionality comprised of social norms. This alternative account begins by returning, again, to Henrich’s “causally opaque” practices (2016, 68).

    In chapter seven of The Secret of Our Success, Henrich uses the processing technique of Tukanoan manioc in Amazonia as an example of a causally opaque practice (2016, 97-101). In this particular case, it is difficult to grow other crops, meaning that manioc is a large part of the Tukanoan people’s diet. Since consuming the roots of the plant can cause cyanide poisoning, it is important that children learn how to process it correctly. In this case, the young Tukanoan people learn how to process the roots from the previous generation, who had learnt from the generation of people before them, and so forth. Henrich illustrates that because these techniques work, those preparing the manioc are unaware that it can cause cyanide poisoning (2016, 98). Instead, they may believe that they are preparing it in a way that removes the bitter taste and reduces the likelihood of reactions like diarrhoea.

    Moreover, the preparation process is rigorous and takes multiple days to complete. Therefore, Henrich asks his reader to imagine someone realising that one of the steps – boiling the manioc – is sufficient in only removing the bitter taste and possible reactions (2016, 99). Since they would be unaware that manioc consumption can cause cyanide poisoning, anyone who eats the food they prepare would eventually develop symptoms of such. However, despite the possibility that Tukanoan people could start experimenting with removing steps from this time-consuming process, they continue to use the techniques passed on for generations. While removing seemingly pointless steps may be the most commonsensical thing to do, the Tukanoan people have faith in the traditional processing method. For Henrich, this notion sits at the core of causally opaque practices because someone who is not a part of the group “cannot readily infer their functions, interrelationships, or importance” (2016, 99). Consequently, some cultural evolution practices can only be understood at the group level.

    Henrich’s understanding of causally opaque practices in cultural evolution can be applied to puritanical morality practices. For instance, Haidt describes a US “virginity pledge movement” during the 1990s (2012, 156), whereby group members vowed to remain celibate until marriage. For individuals who were not part of this movement, it may be unclear why a vow of celibacy is important to the group. In this sense, someone with no affiliation to the group can only make assumptions about why vowing to remain celibate is important to its members. They may assume it is important in upholding religious values. In contrast, someone who is unfamiliar with references to celibacy in the Bible, for example, may assume it is important for another reason.

    Meanwhile, Henrich’s notion is instrumental in formulating an explanation of the declining puritanical morality in WEIRD societies without ethnocentric undertones. The previous explanation examined in this paper is that of Fitouchi, André and Baumard, who claim that WEIRD people have culturally evolved to be more trusting of others and self-controlled, among other things (2022, 35-36). While it is likely that cultural evolution is responsible for the fall of Western puritanism, these authors make the mistake of comparing changes in Western cultural practices to non-Western cultural practices – often incomprehensible to those outside of their specific sociocultural context. Since Fitouchi, André and Baumard are WEIRD people, the argument that puritanical morality is present in non-WEIRD societies because their members are not disciplined enough to uphold social order without it is merely an assumption. Their argument fails to recognise that a (non-WEIRD) society may maintain a puritanical practice for causally opaque reasons.

    Furthermore, Fitouchi, André and Baumard take an individualist approach to cultural evolution by focusing on one’s psychology in discussions surrounding discipline and impulsiveness. A key issue with this approach is its implication that WEIRD individuals have evolved to transcend the need for puritanical morality. This implication falls dangerously close to suggesting that WEIRD societies are comprised of individuals with a superior psychological makeup because they no longer need to rely on puritanical practices to function. However, Henrich provides a group-level analysis of cultural variation that accounts for the fact that many societies have at least some values in common. This alternative approach does not maintain a needlessly ethnocentric attitude because it suggests that the fall of Western puritanism is simply one descriptor of cultural variation and adaptation. It maintains that every society is culturally varied from another in some way, while none are comprised of more psychologically developed individuals than others.

    A critical aspect of Henrich’s understanding of cultural evolution is that young learners and even adults “unconsciously attend to and preferentially learn from others” they consider successful, respected and prestigious members of their society (2016, 4). In this view, one’s values and behaviours stem from people they consider role models. This approach is highly compatible with the notion that puritanical morality is a form of conventionality because it is a set of social norms generally agreed upon within a society. Individuals adhere to these norms because the associated behaviours are learnt from respected members of one’s own group. Earlier in this paper, moral disgust is evaluated as a strategic signal, suggesting that it can account for introducing and maintaining societal norms in their particular sociocultural contexts. Therefore, moral disgust can be considered a feature of cultural evolution insofar as individuals discern and then replicate the signals of prestigious group members.

    Similarly, the maintenance of particular sociocultural norms can be considered a form of overimitation in cultural variation. When exploring features of social learning, researchers Berl and Hewlett consider the function of overimitation. They begin their analysis by defining overimitation as “the high-fidelity copying of causally irrelevant actions in the presence of clear causal information” (2015, 2). Therefore, overimitating is the act of copying all of another’s actions exactly despite knowing that one or more of their actions is unnecessary. A simple example of overimitation is when two people buy bottled smoothies. The first person may shake their smoothie bottle five times in an up-and-down motion. When the second person observes this behaviour and also shakes their smoothie bottle five times in an up-and-down motion, they are overimitating. The second person did not necessarily need to mirror the first person’s actions, as shaking four times from left to right would have been adequate, too. While overimitation is not confirmed as a universal social learning feature in every society, it has been observed in a range of societies (Berl and Hewlett 2015, 4). Hence, overimitation appears to play a role in introducing and maintaining norm-adhering behaviours in at least some WEIRD and non-WEIRD societies.

    In addition, puritanical morality practices can be considered a form of overimitation. This paper has established that puritanical morality may be considered a set of norms that govern seemingly unrelated domains like food and clothing. However, despite these domains having little to no overlap in their content, Fitouchi, André and Baumard illustrate that many societies adhere to the same set of norms (2022, 6). In this sense, it can be argued that individuals in certain sociocultural contexts overimitate when they practise puritanical morality. The reason why some people from various cultures consider both excessive public alcohol consumption and short skirts disgusting is unclear. Nonetheless, it is still the case that lots of different people from different societies agree with these same values. Hence, the practice of puritanical morality can be considered the overimitation of respected group members over generations. Following Henrich’s cultural evolution, one can consider the centuries-long, if not longer, overimitation of the same puritanical norms as other groups in terms of the formation of populations and new societies. Henrich explains that social institutions “integrated local groups into larger regional populations” (2016, 221). Therefore, cultures began to evolve in a new way when smaller groups joined to make larger societies. The social institutions he mentions play an important role because they are responsible for both the moral code seen in WEIRD children’s post-conventional stage of moral reasoning and the causally opaque practices seen in manioc preparation. Thus, despite the relatedness of puritanical norms being causally opaque, they appear to be overimitated as the prestigious members of some societies have upheld these values by learning from those prestigious in the generation before them, and so forth.

    Next, one is left with the final question of how puritanism is falling in WEIRD societies if it continues to be overimitated in (some) other societies. To propose an answer to this question, one can return to the notion of social learning by observing and reproducing the behaviours of respected group members. In WEIRD societies today, many people respect and learn from influencers or celebrities (Heigham 2019). These celebrities’ behaviours are also imitated, from eating at restaurants they recommend to buying articles of clothing they are seen wearing –­­­­ perhaps even in the same colour. Like puritanical practices, the relatedness of specific restaurants and specific items of clothing is causally opaque. In both WEIRD societies and societies that practice puritanical morality, the only observable aspect of this relatedness to those who are not a member of the group is the fact that successful and well-respected members also have these practices.

    Therefore, when puritanical morality is understood as a form of conventionality rather than associating it with objective righteousness, a society may stop practising it, or some aspects of it, because it no longer plays a significant role in social norms. Consequently, this has led to an alternative account of declining puritanical morality in WEIRD societies that understands it as cultural evolution. In this sense, the presence of puritanical practices in a society is simply one descriptor of cultural variation and adaptation. This approach allows for a non-ethnocentric account of changing WEIRD practices. It argues that the respected members of WEIRD societies whose behaviours are overimitated simply behave differently from those in other societies. Hence, WEIRD people are not necessarily more disciplined and less impulsive; they have different, and not better, causally opaque practices.

    Conclusion

    Overall, this paper has criticised Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s explanation of declining puritanical morality in WEIRD societies and provided a non-ethnocentric alternative. The three authors demonstrate that although the domains of puritanical morality, such as clothing and food, are seemingly unrelated, a significant number of the world’s population practice these beliefs. They argue that puritanical morality is necessary for upholding social order because it makes individuals more self-controlled and disciplined. Without it, they suggest, a society’s social order is at risk because people may be tempted to pursue selfish pleasures such as adultery (Fitouchi, André, and Baumard 2022, 9). Hence, they believe that a WEIRD fear of social disorder caused stricter disciplining of individuals, which ultimately led to the redundancy and decline of puritanical morality.

    However, this paper has argued that Fitouchi, André and Baumard’s explanation of the phenomenon is problematic. Their argumentation leads to the implication that non-WEIRD people have somewhat fallen behind WEIRD people in cultural evolution. Their approach is ethnocentric, especially since these authors are WEIRD. They cannot know the importance, meaning, or interrelationships of some non-WEIRD practices because they are not members of those groups. Hence, they appear to have an implicit bias in attempting to compare their understanding and experience of WEIRD practices to non-WEIRD practices that they cannot fully understand.

    Consequently, this paper proposes an alternative account of declining puritanical practices in WEIRD societies. Starting from a conceptualisation of puritanical morality as a form of group-level conventionality, it has been argued that such practices are a set of societal norms rather than objective moral righteousness. Therefore, in applying Henrich’s ideas on cultural variation, this paper suggests that people acquire norms and practices via social learning. Causally opaque practices (Henrich 2016, 68) are learnt from prestigious and respected group members and may be passed on for generations, as seen in the preparation of Tukanoan manioc. This notion can be applied to puritanical morality since someone who is not a group member can only make assumptions about the group’s practices. Thus, Fitouchi, André and Baumard make the mistake of comparing WEIRD practices, of which they are a group member, to the assumptions they make about non-WEIRD practices.

    The proposed alternative explanation understands the fall of puritanical morality in WEIRD societies as a matter of cultural variation. It argues that the presence of puritanical morality practices in a society is simply one descriptor of cultural variation and adaptation, whereby a WEIRD society simply overimitates and expresses different behaviours than a non-WEIRD society. Ultimately, this approach concludes that the cultural evolution of WEIRD societies has merely led to different, and not better, practices.


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  • Uses of Dialogue; or, Why We Love Plato

    The author would like to thank Kyrke Otto and the Splijtstof editorial team for their valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper.


    Why do we love Plato? To the historian of philosophy, this must come across as a strange, if not out-of-place question. Not because he or she would necessarily deny its premise, but because our affective ties to the works of Plato are considered to be a private rather than a professional affair. Let us therefore slightly displace the question: why, after almost twenty-five centuries, do we still read Plato? Why is he still so prominent in philosophical research and study programs? Responses to such questions generally resort to one of two arguments, or a combination of those:

    (1) We still read Plato because of the decisive theoretical and methodological mark he left on the further course of the history of philosophy. As The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy has it: ‘‘Plato […] is, by any reckoning […] one of the most […] influential authors in the history of philosophy’’ (Kraut 2022). In every historical period, philosophers have deemed Plato to be a valuable or even indispensable interlocutor. And as the Encyclopaedia Britannica endorses: Plato is ‘‘best known as the author of philosophical works of unparalleled influence’’ (Meinwald 2023). I will call this the historical resonance account. It is exemplified by Whitehead’s renowned witticism that ‘‘the European philosophical tradition […] consists of a series of footnotes to Plato’’ (Whitehead 1978, 39).

    (2) We still read Plato because his arguments remain an indispensable point of reference in contemporary discourse. This rationale is illustrated by the effort of ancient philosophy scholars to reinsert and reevaluate Plato’s arguments in new contexts (such as his arguments against democracy in the context of political epistemology [Nawar 2023]). I will call this the argumentative touchstone account. The aim of this paper, then, is twofold: first, to demonstrate that both of these accounts are reductionistic; and second, to develop a more comprehensive justification for why we still read Plato’s dialogues today.

    Such a comprehensive account is warranted because the present-day significance of Plato extends far beyond his historical importance and the relevance of his arguments. Departing from such theoretical accounts, I will turn to the work of literary scholar Rita Felski to sketch the contours of an aesthetic rather than theoretical account of why we still read Plato today: an account that revives the literary character of the Platonic dialogues so often neglected in philosophy. Felski’s work is well suited for such a task, since her intellectual project may be described as an attempt to supplement the detachment of academic practices of interpretation with the attachment characterizing our ordinary engagement with texts and other artworks (see e.g. Felski 2008; 2020). In remainder of this paper, I will employ parts of this project to argue that both the historical resonance account (§1) and the argumentative touchstone account (§2) fail to do justice to the rich aesthetic experience reading Plato is. Subsequently, I take inspiration from Felski’s theory of attachment to highlight some of the affective responses involved in the encounter with Plato’s dialogues (§3).

    This paper is one of the first to transpose Felski’s efforts within the domain of philosophy. My hypothesis is that Plato is perhaps one of the best authors for doing so, since, as Vittorio Hösle remarks, his dialogues constitute a bridge between literary studies and philosophy in that the philosophical dialogue is, after all, a literary genre (Hösle 2012, xv-xvi). I will engage more extensively with Hösle’s study of the Platonic dialogues later. For now, I would like to warn the reader that this paper is not about interpreting the dialogues of Plato. Rather, it is about describing what these dialogues do (i.e. what responses they incite in the reader) and why they matter. Since Felski initially captured her project under the heading Uses of Literature, I have called the project initiated in this paper Uses of Dialogue.

    §1. From Historical Resonance to Present-Day Relevance

    That Plato is one of the most influential thinkers in the history of philosophy is undeniable. In nearly every period, from ancient to contemporary philosophy, his works gained traction as objects of inspiration, critique, commentary, exegesis, parody, deconstruction, and so on. Nevertheless, as an explanation for why we still read Plato today, such a historical resonance account is insufficient, because it relies on a narrow concept of history. In this section, I will argue for this claim by drawing on Felski’s article “Context Stinks!”, that tries to break the spell of the text/context distinction she believes is holding literary studies captive. My focus, however, will be on another central distinction in this text: the one between past and present.

    Within philosophy programs, students’ first systematic encounter with Plato often takes place in a course on the history of ancient philosophy. The founding father of philosophy is situated in ancient Greece, alongside Socrates, Aristotle, the Athenian agora and democracy, the Peloponnesian War and the Greek pantheon at Mount Olympus. This is to say that Plato is located in his historical context, which is in many respects utterly different from our times. Literary scholar Wai Chee Dimock calls this phenomenon “synchronic historicism,” since a text and its meaning are deemed to be coextensive with their original context of production. “The object of inquiry is dated,” Dimock (1997, 1061) writes. “Its reference points are events that began and ended in its original context.’’ According to Felski, such a model of history takes context to be “a kind of box or container in which individual texts are encased and held fast” (Felski 2011, 577).

    However, the historical resonance account goes beyond synchronic historicism, because it draws our attention to the fact that Plato’s ideas crossed the borders of ancient philosophy to resonate in other historical periods. This is reflected institutionally in that the name Plato often resurfaces in both historical and systematic philosophy courses in the wake of ancient philosophy. In this sense, the historical resonance account comes close to what Dimock calls “diachronic historicism,” which depicts texts as time travelers that speak differently to new historical audiences (cf. Dimock 1997, 1061ff). On this account, however, history is still perceived as a “vertical pile of neatly stacked boxes” (Felski 2011, 577) we tend to refer to as the past in contradistinction with the present.

    Having arrived at this point, we begin to see in what sense the historical resonance account is reductionistic. Although it can very well explain the relevance of Plato for understanding the history of philosophy, it is hard-pressed to give an account of how Plato is able to create attachments in the present. With its gaze turned towards to the past, the historical resonance account fails to provide an answer to questions related to the present-day relevance of texts:

    Why has this work been chosen for interpretation? How does it speak to me now? What is its value in the present? To focus only on a work’s origins is to side-step the question of its appeal to the present-day reader. It is, in a Nietzschean sense, to use history as an alibi, a way of circumventing the question of one’s own attachments, investments, and vulnerabilities as a reader (Felski 2008, 10).

    Note that Felski does not consider history unimportant. The historical resonance account is not wrong, but incomplete, in so far as it evades “the question of why past texts still matter and how they speak to us now” (Felski 2011, 577). Hence, it cannot fully account for why we read Plato today.

    In addition to its focus on present relevance rather than past resonance, Felski’s theory is also better equipped to explain Plato’s present-day appeal because of its concept of agency. The historical resonance account downgrades the agency of a text in favor of the explanatory power of context:[1] the reception of Plato in the middle ages, for example, is often explained by reference to the theological concerns that were central to the time, rather than the ability of Plato’s dialogues to elicit emotions and affections. In Felski’s account, the center of gravity is shifted to the agency or power of texts. Drawing on Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network Theory – originally developed as a methodology for social science studies –, Felski proposes to see texts as non-human actors rather than as objects to be explained (cf. Felski 2011, 582ff). This revaluation of agency then allows Felski to explain why some texts survive, and others disappear. That is, quite simply, because the former are much better at establishing connections: “Artworks can only survive and thrive,” Felski remarks, “by making friends, creating allies, attracting disciples, inciting attachments, latching on to receptive hosts” (Felski 2011, 584). But how do Platonic dialogues do this?

    §2. From Theoretical Interpretation to Aesthetic Attachment

    How do Plato’s dialogues create attachments? What is it in these ancient works that attracts present-day readers? We have arrived at the preliminary conclusion that for answering such questions, resorting to historical resonance is insufficient, since it fails to account for Plato’s contemporary appeal. Hence, we might better focus our attention on the dialogues themselves. In this respect, the argumentative touchstone account seems to be a better candidate than the historical resonance account to explain why we still read Plato’s dialogues today. This account emphasizes that since the arguments of Plato’s Socrates are still relevant for contemporary concerns and discourses, one should definitely take note of them within philosophical research and education. In this section, I will argue that such reasoning is aesthetically reductionistic, by drawing on Felski as well as others.

    Why is the argumentative touchstone account reductionistic? First of all, because it tends to reduce Plato’s dialogues to their argumentative content. As the philosopher Lawrence M. Hinman has suggested in the 1980s, this tendency may very well be the product of the wide-spread assumption among especially analytic philosophers that “a philosopher’s style is, at best, something which obscures the structure of his arguments”. As a result, Hinman notes, some historians of philosophy tend to purify a philosopher’s oeuvre of its stylistic elements:

    While no one claims that Plato was writing pieces for Analysis, many read and write about him as though he were doing precisely that. In a curious version of the patchwork thesis, the dialogues come to be treated as an aggregate of three and one half page articles which were presumably gathered together for Oxford University Press (Hinman 1980, 512).[2]

    In this passage, Hinman mobilizes an equally widespread assumption among philosophers: that in isolating the argumentative content of Plato’s dialogues something essential gets lost; something which is often referred to as form, style, or more generally: poetics or aesthetics.

    Hösle provides additional support for this assumption in his juxtaposition of theoretical and aesthetic analysis. Acknowledging that the Platonic dialogues have an aesthetic quality, he counts them among a small group of “philosophical texts that must be enjoyed as works of art, that is, to which injustice is rendered if only their argumentative content is analyzed” (Hösle 2012, 2; my emphasis).[3] This group includes texts that obviously are about something, such as rhetoric or poetry, but also have a rhetoric or poetic quality themselves. Plato’s Phaedrus is a strong example of this.

    However, this is not to say that a theoretical analysis of, for example, Plato’s Phaedrus would be irrelevant. The Platonic dialogues do contain truth claims that any scholarly engagement with them should respect and account for. Hence the argumentative touchstone account is, just like the historical resonance account, not wrong, but incomplete, in that it rules out the aesthetic features of Plato’s work. Yet, these aesthetic features might not only be pivotal for explaining the present-day appeal of Plato, but also, as Hösle points out, for understanding his arguments in the first place, for example when literary devices are used to bestow certain claims with greater authority than others. Hence, the argumentative touchstone account is founded on a denial of its own conditions of possibility.

    Felski’s analyses, in turn, render the argumentative touchstone account reductionistic in yet another, and perhaps even more radical sense. By operating at the level of the encounter between reader and text rather than that of the form and/or content of the latter, they debunk academic analysis, of both a theoretical and aesthetic nature, as just one aspect of our aesthetic engagements. This insight is first articulated in Uses of Literature, where “knowledge” is only one type of textual engagement amongst many others, such as recognition, enchantment, and shock. From this perspective, the argumentative touchstone account diminishes the Platonic dialogues to a source of knowledge – something which they obviously are, but not exclusively. Now this also means that the cognitive aspects of aesthetic response are absolutized at the expense of many affective ones (cf. Felski 2020, 16, et passim). As such, Plato’s lively corpus becomes a corpse; a dead body to be dissected (Felski 2020, 152).

    However, Uses of Literature packs less of a punch than it could possibly deliver in the face of the argumentative touchstone account. This it because it fails to explain how the forms of textual engagement that it describes are connected. Hooked, Felski’s latest book, rectifies this shortcoming by revealing how interpretation and attachment, for example, are intertwined. Against the widespread view “that attachment is an obstacle to interpretation,” Felski argues that it is actually its condition of possibility: “What we choose to decipher, how we decipher it, and to what end—these decisions are driven by what we feel affinity for, what resonates. Interpreting is far from being a purely cognitive exercise” (Felski 2020, 126, 128). Affection precedes interpretation, given, of course, that one is free to choose what to read, interpret, and write about.

    In this sense, the argumentative touchstone account simply defers the question of why we still read Plato today. It emphasizes that Platonic arguments are an indispensable reference point for contemporary scholarship, but it does not explain how we are driven to these arguments and the literary worlds in which they appear in the first place. To develop a comprehensive account of why Plato is so successful in “making friends, creating allies, attracting disciples, inciting attachments, latching on to receptive hosts” – to reprise an earlier quote –, it seems we must turn our attention to the affective rather than cognitive aspects of our engagement with Plato.

    §3. From Authorial Intent to Readerly Response 

    In the preceding sections, I argued that both (1) the historical resonance account and (2) the argumentative touchstone account are reductionistic. Indeed, Plato is markedly influential in the history of philosophy, but what about his present-day appeal? Sure, Plato’s dialogues give us much to interpret, “but what about love?”, we might ask. “Or: “Where is your theory of attachment?” (Felski 2015, 17).[4] The upshot of our inquiry up to now has been that understanding Plato’s appeal requires an analysis of the affective responses involved in reading his dialogues. In this section, I will take a first step in this direction, by drawing on Hösle’s aesthetic analysis of the Platonic dialogues to elicit and explain such readerly responses. My hypothesis is that it is because of its literary qualities – use of characters, setting, style, etc. – that Plato’s oeuvre is so successful in creating attachments in present-day readers, and academics in particular. 

    First of all, what is attachment? Felski provides a bridge between the previous section and this one when she connects the supposed detachment of the academic world with a definition of attachment. “In its most obvious sense,” Felski writes, “attachment denotes an emotional tie: whether passions and obsessions or low-key moods and lukewarm likes.” A little later, she adds: “Against the usual portrayal of academia as an affect-free zone, I would venture that affective ties are often stronger in academia than elsewhere” (Felski 2020, 28). Against this background, let us now consider the case of Hösle’s study of the Platonic dialogues in a little more detail, since he holds an ambivalent position with regard to the affective power of Plato’s writings.

    In his capacity as reader, Hösle is clearly affected, inspired, or energized by the dialogues of Plato. He uses words like “overwhelming,” “fascinating,” and “astonishing,” to describe the experience of reading Plato, which seem to designate not just a cognitive tie, but also an emotional or affective one. And Hösle makes no secret of his appreciation of Plato when he writes about the Charmides and Euthydemus that “they are so perfect that one is sometimes astonished that a human being was able to compose them” (Hösle 2012, 432). However, in his capacity as a scholar, Hösle does not account for this aesthetic experience. Most of the book is devoted to a formal analysis of the dialogues and their relation to the intentions of the composer (Plato). Thus, it treats the relation between the dialogues and their effect on the reader only indirectly, while from a Felskian perspective, affective readerly responses trigger such formal analyses of authorial intent in the first place: they are its unacknowledged condition of possibility.

    It is about time, then, that we shift the center of gravity from authorial intent to readerly response; from aesthetic qualities to aesthetic experience. In doing so, we must not dwell on the cognitive dimensions of this experience. Admittedly, Plato’s dialogues incite us to think; they provide us with an indispensable philosophical vocabulary, but they also make us feel; they speak to our senses. Therefore, a comprehensive account of why we still read Plato today should “begin to engage the affective and absorptive, the sensuous and somatic qualities of aesthetic experience” (Felski 2011, 76). In the remainder of this section, I will therefore single out three types of textual engagement with Plato, combining the work of Hösle and Felski: (1) identification, (2) enchantment, and (3) shock. We might also call these aesthetic responses uses of dialogue.[5]

    (1) Plato’s dialogues enable readers to identify with its characters. Though many of Plato’s characters were real historical persons, their realism is not a precondition for identification. “The draw of character,” Felski (2020, 80) notes, “has far less to do with realism than with qualities of vividness and distinctiveness,” and Plato is very good at staging both vivid and distinctive characters. Consider, for example, the speakers in Plato’s Symposium: Phaedrus, Pausanias, Eryximachus, Aristophanes, Agathon, Socrates, and Alcibiades. Each of them gives not just a distinctive speech about eros, but also has some character quirks of its own: standing still at random times (Socrates), being a weak (Eryximachus) or a strong drinker (Aristophanes), hitting on Socrates (Alcibiades), etc. It is precisely because of such literary descriptions that Plato’s writings are able to forge affective ties, from scholars identifying with Socrates’ lofty philosophical character to feeling compassion for Phaedo, Crito, or Apollodorus, when they are unable to restrain their tears at the moment this same character is forced to drink his cup of poison. Yet another example would be the famous part of the Meno where Socrates guides an enslaved boy in solving a geometry problem to show that learning is merely recollection. Socrates’ step-by-step instruction invites the reader to identify with this enslaved boy, thus making it easier to be convinced by Plato’s arguments for the immortality of the soul. Plato’s use of the literary genre of the philosophical dialogue is indispensable for rendering such forms of identification possible. While in Aristotle’s Metaphysics (and many other works of philosophy for that matter), there is little to identify with, Plato’s dialogues offer a wide range of possibilities for identification.

    (2) Plato’s dialogues also have a distinctive capacity to enchant their readers. “Immersed in the virtual reality of a fictional text, a reader feels herself to be transported, caught up, or swept away” (Felski 2011, 34-5). In just a few paragraphs, Plato takes us to the Greek wrestling school (Lysis), Socrates’ death cell (Phaedo), the Athenian countryside (Phaedrus), or a formal drinking party (Symposium), offering us – for the time of reading – an escape to another world. Noteworthy, too, is the setting of the Laws, where the dialogue takes place during a pilgrimage from the city of Knossos to the temple of Zeus on Mount Ida, and that of the Protagoras. Before going to the home of Callias, where the great sophist Protagoras is staying, Socrates first needs to calm down his younger friend Hippocrates, who knocked on his door in the middle of the night to go and see Protagoras. During this initial discussion, it is difficult not to be affected by Hippocrates’ excessive excitement about Protagoras being in town. Interestingly enough, Hösle often invokes this “use” of the Platonic dialogues, such as when he remarks, though in passing, that Plato’s Symposium “still enchants us almost 2,400 years later” (Hösle 2012, 461). Another example can be found in his discussion of the Phaedrus in the chapter devoted to “The Space of Conversation.” In this dialogue, Hösle (2012) claims – again in passing –, “Plato offers one of the most enchanting descriptions of a landscape in all of Greek literature, which appeals in a few lines to the senses of sight, smell, taste, and hearing” (224). Here, it is Plato’s use of setting, which is a stylistic or literary device, that evokes the (sensuous) readerly response of enchantment.

    (3) Plato’s dialogues, however, can also trigger aesthetic responses that are less pleasant: they can disturb or even shock us. Such responses can result from the extremity of positions defended by some of Plato’s characters, such as Thrasymachus in the Republic and Callicles in the Gorgias, who forcefully argue for the reason of the strongest. Or, they may be triggered by certain performative contradictions, such as when Socrates condemns writing at the end of the Phaedrus, while the reader has approximately 35 dialogues at their disposal that were written by Plato. Furthermore, disturbance or shock can also be the result of a clash between our current ethical milieu and the one in which the dialogue we are reading is embedded. Examples that come to mind are the references to enslaved people in Plato’s dialogues, and his treatment of the task and place of woman in the Republic, where Plato’s Socrates argues that they must be the joint property of the guardians (not to mention Socrates’ ideas about state-regulated human reproduction). Yet, as Hösle remarks, Plato’s position as an author may very well be ambiguous in such cases, as an initial disturbance or shock can be followed by a moment of critical reflection. “Plato doubtless considered the institution of slavery justified,” he writes, “but by showing that the slave in the Meno is capable of anamnesis, he unintentionally forces the reflective reader to ask why some people may be held as slaves, even if their intellectual gifts are not essentially different from those of free persons” (Hösle 2012, 461). This is an excellent example of how affective and cognitive responses; feeling and thought can become intertwined in the aesthetic experience of reading Plato’s dialogues.

    In fact, Felski is well-aware that neatly separating different aesthetic responses or textual engagements fails to do justice to their relatedness and complexity. “I venture that aesthetic value is inseparable from use,” she notes at the beginning of Uses of Literature, “but also that
    our engagements with texts are extraordinarily varied, complex, and often unpredictable in kind” (Felski 2011, 8). The three responses I discussed should therefore be elaborated and expanded upon, in order to provide a more comprehensive account of how Plato captures, enchants, shocks, interests, entertains, arouses, surprises, moves, and obsesses us – or at least many of us.

    Conclusion

    In this paper, I have mobilized the work of literary scholar Rita Felski to argue that both the historical resonance account and the argumentative touchstone account are deficient in their answer to the question why we still read Plato today. Furthermore, I have developed a more comprehensive justification for why Plato features so prominently in philosophical research and study programs. According to the historical resonance account, we still read Plato today because of the decisive mark he left on the further course of the history of philosophy. This answer is reductionistic, in that it fails to account for why Plato appeals to us in the present.

    According to the argumentative touchstone account, we continue to study Plato because his

    arguments remain for us an indispensable point of reference. This response is reductionistic as well, in at least two respects. First, in that it reduces the dialogues to their argumentative content, thus leaving their aesthetic features and appeal unaccounted for. Second, in that it reduces our textual engagement with Plato’s dialogues to one of theoretical interpretation. Hence, it fails to account for our affective rather than cognitive ties to the writings of Plato.

    Vittorio Hösle’s study of the literary genre of the philosophical dialogue turned out to be a necessary, but insufficient condition for explaining Plato’s present-day appeal. Necessary, because he goes beyond the historical resonance account and the argumentative touchstone account in focusing on the form rather than the content of the Platonic dialogues. Insufficient, because he connects the aesthetic features of the dialogues solely to authorial intent. That is, according to Hösle, we still read Plato today because he is such a magnificent writer. In the end, this answer is reductionistic as well, because it fails to account for the relation between the literary character of Plato’s work and the affective responses it triggers in the reader. My hypothesis was that it is because of its literary qualities – use of characters, setting, style, etc. – that Plato’s oeuvre is so successful in creating various attachments in present-day readers.

    To put this hypothesis to the test, I isolated three uses of dialogue; three aesthetic responses involved in reading Plato’s dialogues: identification, enchantment, and shock. Establishing a connection between the aesthetic value of the dialogues and their use, I argued, is the first step towards a more comprehensive account of why we still read Plato today. The Felskian perspective I adopted in this paper allows us to see that Plato’s present-day appeal does not lie in his historical importance or the contemporary relevance of his arguments. Rather, it lies in the fact that we can identify with Plato’s characters; that we can become enchanted by the settings of Plato’s dialogues; and that we can be shocked by the customs and values we encounter there. We still read Plato today because of the affective and absorptive experience he provides us.

    In fact, a Felskian account is preferable, because it can incorporate the historical resonance account and the argumentative touchstone account, whilst having an additional advantage. First, it can incorporate and explain Plato’s transgression of temporal boundaries, by means of its methodological embracement of Actor-Network Theory, and its attribution of agency to texts in particular. That Plato has been markedly influential in the history of philosophy,  is – from Felski’s point of view – because his dialogues have a distinctive capacity to attach themselves to other actors, such as readers and writers, copyists and publishers, translators and parodists. Second, a Felskian reply is able to incorporate and explain the argumentative touchstone account, by acknowledging that theoretical interpretation is one of our textual engagements with Plato, alongside many others. However, it also draws our attention to the affective ties underlying such analyses: that we continue to refer to Plato’s arguments, we might say, has much to do with the literary worlds in which they appear.

    Besides its explanatory potential, a Felskian account also has an additional advantage, in that it enables us to answer the question with which we started this paper. Why do we love Plato? The historical resonance- and argumentative touchstone account are hard-pressed to provide an answer to such a question, consequently rendering the question itself misplaced. From a Felskian perspective, however, this question is only logical, while its answer is easy: we do not love Plato because of his influence or his arguments, but because of his vivid and distinctive characters with which we can identify. We love Plato, because his dialogues offer us an escape from our everyday reality and an acquaintance with a long-gone past. We love Plato, because after almost 2,400 years, his works have lost none of their capacity to enchant, amuse, disturb, or shock us. We love Plato, because his use of stylistic devices still hooks us.

    In short, Plato’s dialogues deserve to be studied and taught, not because of their canonical status, but because they make us think and feel differently; because they cause perceptual changes and elicit our emotions; because they create affective ties and incite attachments. Their value lies not just their content or form, I contend, but also in their use – which is vital but understudied. My hope is that transposing Felski’s project within philosophy enables us to fill this lacuna.


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    [1] Felski (2011) levels this critique against ‘‘Birmingham-style cultural studies and its model of articulation theory’’ (581), but I believe it can be applied to the historical resonance account as well.

    [2] The ‘patchwork thesis’ is the idea in Kant-scholarship that Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason can be seen as a ‘patchwork’ of his earlier, pre-critical writings.

    [3] See for this point, which is elaborated in the next paragraph, also Chapter 3: ‘‘On the Relationship between Form and Content in the Philosophical Dialogue,’’ especially 51ff.

    [4] Felski raises these questions in the context of her polemic against engagements with literature that focus on ‘‘agon (conflict and domination) at the expense of eros (love and connection),’’ such as, for example, postcolonial-feminist critics. Here, I oppose them to the supposed detachment of interpretation.

    [5] ‘‘Use’’ should be understood here in a broad sense, as having to do with the value of, in this case, philosophical dialogues for individual readers (which is my focus here) or society as a whole. Cf. Felski (2011), 7-8.