Radboud Philosophical Facutly Journal

Categorie: Charlie Harden-Sweetnam

  • Nijmegen for Palestine: Demands for Radboud University

    Nijmegen for Palestine (NFP) has made the point clear: Radboud must suspend ties with Israeli universities. And yet our university does not listen. In order to give NFP the space to express themselves and provide a detailed and nuanced account of their demands, I interviewed some members, and asked them about their organisation: who is NFP, and what do they want?

    There are, in this discussion, a few individuals to introduce:

    • Jihad is a Palestinian man and student at the HAN University of Applied Sciences in Nijmegen.
    • Mike is a Jewish activist and student of Medical/Human Biology at Radboud University in Nijmegen.
    • Gijs is a Dutch activist and student of Philosophy, Politics and Society at Radboud. 
    • Anya Topolski is an associate professor of Philosophical Ethics and Political Philosophy at Radboud. She is also the founder of the NGO Another Jewish Voice (Belgium). She was consulted on these topics.
    • I am a British man and activist, also a student of Philosophy, Politics and Society at Radboud.

    On the 17th of November Jihad, Mike, Gijs and I sat down to discuss the ongoing war in Palestine and the aims of NFP. Nijmegen for Palestine is a democratic collective of students and activists united in their shared commitment to activism in solidarity with Palestine. In light of the terrible crimes committed by Israel and Hamas, their operations and membership have expanded.

    This article was written in order to publish an exposé on the organisation of NFP in their own words. The demands for Radboud University are not solely formulated by NFP, but rather by the Students for Palestine organisation and aimed at many Dutch universities. NFP has tailored their demands slightly to meet its needs from Radboud.

    Like Jihad, Mike and Gijs, I too am deeply concerned with the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Genocide is to be defined here as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group” (Segal 2023). Segal’s article, published in Jewish Currents ominously concludes: “Israel’s goal is to destroy the Palestinians of Gaza.” We are therefore united in our aims to question Radboud’s official position and decision to remain silent in the face of genocide. It is important to us all that we engage with the university and pressure it to act in light of the ongoing war in Palestine.

    This article will outline the four key aims of NFP with regards to Radboud University:

    • Taking an active stance because there can be no neutrality.
    • Transparent disclosure and severance of all official ties with Israeli universities.
    • The establishment of direct, institutional, and official ties with Palestinian students and universities.
    • To encourage academic freedom and discussion, and an end to the academic censorship.

    Non-Neutrality

    The first demand of NFP is to take a moral stance and condemn genocide. While academics from various faculties are actively educating students, Radboud as a formal institution makes no comment. In a statement on 20th October, Radboud claimed to be “concerned about the armed conflict in Israel and the Palestinian Territories” and to “speak out against any violation of human rights.” (Radboud 2023). Radboud spoke out against Russia following its invasion of Ukraine, actively condemning the war (Radboud 2022). So there is a strong precedent for taking an active stance in relation to politics. “Russian institutions were boycotted, and the language used in statements was very direct and unambiguous. But when it’s done by allies of the of the Netherlands, it’s not the same,” says Mike.

    My first question to the activists was therefore: how do you perceive this “neutral” stance?

    Mike: “Neutrality promotes the idea that the status quo, the state of affairs of the last 75 years, is neutral. A lot of colonial violence is just hidden behind a fog of so-called neutrality.” 

    Gijs: “By aligning themselves with the status quo, Radboud fails to recognise what is happening in Palestine. It implicitly agrees with the frame that Palestinians are the aggressor and that Israel’s actions are legitimate forms of self-defence. This completely ignores the Nakba, 75 years of ethnic cleansing, the ongoing settling of the West Bank, the brutal imprisonment of 2 million people in Gaza, and the fact that Israel’s actions in Gaza right now effectively amounts to genocide.” 

    Leading academics of the discipline of settler-colonialism (Salamanca et al 2012), academics at Radboud (Topolski 2023) and academics at Israeli universities themselves (Bashīr and Goldberg 2019) all resound with NFP in condemnation of the ongoing genocide in Palestine. The list of academics from Radboud and the wider academic community joining in condemnation is long and loud.

    Radboud, however, chooses to project impartiality.

    Jihad: “This is not neutrality, but inhumanity.”

    It’s an alignment with the status quo of slow genocide. “This status quo”, he added, “is that the Netherlands does not recognise Palestinian identity. The Dutch government denies Palestine as a country’s legitimacy. As Radboud has set its own precedent of actively condemning war and human rights violations, neutrality over Palestine actually means to side with this narrative, to stand with the government’s position, which is firmly pro-Israel, and to stand with Israel, in ongoing genocide.”

    I therefore asked NFP, what exactly do they want in terms of university positioning?

    Mike: “Clear official positioning. In line with the calls of other universities in the Netherlands, there must be acknowledgement of the fact that there is a genocide happening. Condemnation of the war. Like they did with Russia.”

    Academic Boycott

    The second demand of NFP is the disclosure and freezing of all official academic ties with Israeli universities. Dutch universities in the 1980s boycotted apartheid South Africa, and Radboud effectively boycotted Russia in 2022 (Radboud 2022). This shows, again, that there’s a precedent set. 

    I therefore asked NFP: Why do you call for the disclosure of ties?

    Mike: “There is a lot of information concerning the connections that we just don’t know, because it is it just not available. So we just don’t know in which way Radboud is cooperating with Israeli institutions.”

    Gijs: “Universities in the Netherlands (although Radboud is a little different because of its status as a special university), have democratic elements. We have the student council here, and the point is to have some democratic decision making for students. But that doesn’t work if we can’t know anything about the actual policy of Radboud. If everything is opaque, how are we going to make a decision about something that we don’t know about?”

    “What exactly does this academic boycott entail?” I asked.

    Mike: “Academic boycott in the sense of no cooperation with Israeli academic institutions, even if it isn’t specifically on projects facilitating genocide, that it is still cooperating with institutions whose purpose it is to maintain these settler-colonial relations.”

    My next question was: “Why do you want to freeze these ties?”

    Gijs: “Israeli universities support their governments, just as Dutch universities are of their government, of course. They support the Israeli military with their research so we find it very problematic that our university, democratic, where we think we should have a say, supports an ongoing genocide.”

    The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement clearly documents Israeli Universities, partner universities of Radboud, in their complicity with the Israeli state and its actions in Palestine. “Tel Aviv University, for example, has developed tens of weapon systems and the ‘Dahiya doctrine’ of disproportionate force employed by the Israeli military” (see Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, and Khalidi 2014). To sever ties with these institutions means to sever ties with the academic arm of a state that is committing genocide.

    Furthermore, NFP argues, as a democratic university Radboud must listen to their scholars and students. In light of the genocide in Gaza, 19 professors at the university organised a teach-in to educate students on the war. Since then, they have created a public seminar series called the Situating Palestine Collective, in which Radboud itself plays no part. The collective is quickly growing and has already hosted two events at the time of writing.

    Gijs: “Radboud must listen to the critical scholars they employ: what they say about this, how they understand the war in the context of genocide and settler colonialism. They specifically employ these scholars because they are knowledgeable about these topics. I think it would be a great step for Radboud to take to make use of this knowledge and listen to their employees.”

    Build Direct Solidarity with Palestinian Students and Universities

    A self-described “emancipatory” university “committed to equal rights for social and cultural minorities” (Radboud Mission, n.d.), Radboud markets itself as an emancipatory university.

    I asked: “How do you propose Radboud builds solidarity with Palestinian universities and students?”

    Mike: “Radboud needs to amplify Palestinian voices and involve them more in the academic knowledge production. It must join movements initiated by Palestinian students, as well as offer scholarships, offer funding, initiate programmes that do epistemic justice to Palestinians and build university connections with suitable Palestinian partners.”

    Gijs: “[The marginalisation of Palestinian voices] undermines the idea that Radboud is a decolonial university. Because through Israel, it protects colonial interests of the West in the Middle East area.”

    Mike: “Radboud sees itself as a critical university, yet it never makes public statements in opposition to the interests of the Dutch government.”

    Academics of the Philosophy faculty seemingly agree; they are providing informative lectures on the Nakba and Shoah. At the second lecture entitled ‘Situating Palestine through the Lens of Settle Colonialism’, Dr Noura Alkhalili (from Palestine) outlined her struggle for higher education at Birzeit University (through her experience during the 2nd Intifada), given how Palestinian universities are constantly targeted and systematically silenced and isolated.

    Radboud itself must cooperate with the Situating Palestine Collective, and support Palestinian academics, rather than remaining neutral and upholding the government position. To fulfil the “emancipatory” criteria they set themselves, Radboud and other universities must distance themselves from governments and entrenched Zionism.

    Radboud must therefore be willing to take a critical stance and “change perspective” (Radboud’s motto) on the mainstream media/government narrative that Israel is a legitimate actor in this conflict. In order to uphold its projected emancipatory identity, action is needed, not simple marketing campaigns. Radboud should build connections with Palestinian universities, offer scholarships to Palestinian students. This way they can contribute to amplifying Palestinian voices in the West Bank and Gaza. 

    Jihad: “To do so otherwise constitutes the usual hypocrisy of the Western political community.”

    According to Dr. Anya Topolski, what Jihad refers to as hypocrisy and many European liberals refer to as double standards, are “quite simply the true colours of the structural racism of the legal and political system we have built.”

    Political institutions have been built for those in what Franz Fanon calls the zone of being, what Dr. Topolski has theorised as the zone of the humanised. This is the zone in which we can speak of a legal framework, appeal to rights and freedoms. It is also the zone of administration and regulation, of material resources and recognition – it is a zone where we can articulate and have individual identities and stories. While most in Europe live in this zone, not all; the undocumented, the homeless, the poor. Those excluded from the zone of being have a very different lived experience, one much closer to those of many other parts of the world – the zone of non-being, the zone of the damned of the earth, the zone of dehumanisation. In this world there are no rights and no recognition, there are no individual names or stories, just numbers. There is continuous oppression, violence, poverty. This is the world most Palestinians have been living in since the Nakba. While slowly more and more people are willing to see this, for too long many chose not to see it.

    Though we might want to see this as double standards, the reality is that this is part of structural racism foundational to the political and legal system we have established in the aftermath of the Shoah. It is tragic that it is now being used to silence academic freedom and Palestinian stories and voices. This, we believe, epitomises the need for Radboud to build direct solidarity with Palestinian universities and individuals.

    Encourage Academic Freedom and End Academic Censorship

    When our discussion came to the issue of academic freedom, NFP has plenty to say. 

    Jihad: “We need to make it clear we are not antisemitic. To support Palestinians against Zionism is in no way antisemitic.”

    Since the recent rise in violence from October 7th onward, the world has seen tragic rises in both Islamophobia and antisemitism (Yang 2023). This rise in hate entails that activism and education are ever more crucial. Conversation is needed to help not only maintain a safe space for everyone, but to address the systemic problems we’re facing here; both in Islamophobia and antisemitism. 

    Mike: “As a Jewish person I feel very safe with the Palestinian solidarity movement. Antisemitism is just not part of the movement because people understand that they’re fighting against genocide.”

    The current silence on campus (except for the demonstrations of NFP) is seen as an issue. NFP’s demands state that: “We believe the university’s silence as this genocide unfolds has created a socially unsafe atmosphere that implicitly intimidates and suppresses our academic freedom.”

    The university must maintain appropriate safe spaces that facilitate dialogue and prevent hatred. They should not leave this in the hands of students and professors but take responsibility for the administration of the campus, as is their prerogative. When this is done, Radboud can support critical discussion on the war in Palestine. 

    Jihad: “Here in the Netherlands, news from a Palestinian perspective cannot be seen in the Dutch language – no way. You have to go to Al-Jazeera or something like that, to watch the real news, from the other perspective. All the Western media is just one perspective, so we need to break that illusion, ideally through education.”

    Conclusion

    In our interview, NFP outlined their four main demands for Radboud University:

    • End the neutral stance. 
    • Support the academic boycott of Israeli universities.
    • Build solidarity with Palestinian academia. 
    • Promote academic freedom over censorship.

    I join calls with NFP for our universities as democratic institutions to listen, to change and to act. Radboud cannot continue to stay silent and complicit with Israeli genocide in Palestine.

    NFP organises regular demonstrations, events and more. Information can be found on Instagram: @NijmegenforPalestine.

    More of Charlie’s articles can be found online at: https://charliehardsw.wixsite.com/politics.

  • Philosopher Abroad: Culturicide in the Shadows of the USSR

    Please be aware of a trigger warning for cultural genocide and war.

    The war in Ukraine is entering its 16th month, and the terrifyingly destructive battles show no sign of relenting. With the Russian army launching a slaughter in their ‘fraternal’ nation, other peoples of the former Soviet Union find themselves at odds with each other. I want to describe the differences in how the general public is reacting to the war.

    In order to illustrate my argument, I will draw from my experiences travelling across the former Soviet Union.[1] By giving you an illustration of the contrast between Kazakhstan and Lithuania, I hope to convince you that culture can be turned into a weapon of resistance, and that we must use culture as a weapon of resistance to support Ukraine. My three principal reasons are that it brings hope, it brings truth, and it embodies Ukrainian defiance itself.

    I am going to do this in two steps. Firstly, I will analyse how art and symbolism is valuable in times of war. Secondly, I am going to describe the contrast in art and symbolism in Kazakhstan and Lithuania to illustrate the merits and needs for the weaponisation of art and culture. I will focus on public, grass-roots artistic and cultural activism, as a way to engage in the war. I am talking about individuals and groups making public phenomena in solidarity with Ukraine.

    Throughout this paper, I refer to Russian fascism, or Ruscism. The use of the term fascism is not done lightly, and I justify this having studied Putin’s ideology and the ideology of the invasion. This includes, among other things: irredentism and a cult of violence, hyper-masculinity and authoritarianism, the denial of Ukraine as a national identity and the justification of ethnic cleansing. For Putin, this fascism ultimately justifies war because “we are one people” (Putin 2022).

    Culturicide, or cultural genocide, can be defined as a systematic destruction of a culture. It can take many forms but aims to undermine and root out national and cultural identities and specificities. It is widely seen as a war crime and a crime against humanity. My experiences have found that the way that some groups take a silent position in the face of culturicide is a dangerous precedent. To stay silent in the face of any form of culturicide or oppression is tantamount to complicity. I hope to convince you not be silent in the face of fascism of any form.

    Culture and Symbolism as Resistance

    In order to back up my argument that ordinary people should be showing signs of support for Ukraine, I will first discuss the value of art and culture in times of war. I maintain that art can be weaponised in three ways: it is a form of documentation, it can be weaponised in this war as a form of defiance itself, and because art and culture can bring solidarity and unity.

    Firstly, art and symbolism for Ukraine demonstrates solidarity. It is a binding agent that can unify peoples. Ukrainian art and culture are not only important motivators for the defence of the nation, but as a unifying factor it is also politically valuable. Like many national anthems, “Ukraine has not yet perished” has a role in binding peoples. This happened at Nijmegen4Ukraine demonstrations in March 2022, as an international crowd began to sing in Ukrainian, highlighting this power to bind people behind a common cause. But the ultimate power of cultural works like this is the use of a simple symbol to designate solidarity with a plight. For Ukrainians home and abroad, this is a powerful and hopeful message, albeit sad for the same reasons. As one Ukrainian told me: “[the symbols] make me smile. Because I know we’re not alone [which is important because] wars aren’t won alone anymore.”

    During a war of information, reality is distorted. Putin’s post-modern truth is a dangerous political technique to rewrite the histories of Ukraine, Russia and the war. Art and culture can depict history and events from either side and do a lot of work to spread the truth. This is the second way that art can serve in war: as an account of history. For this reason, Putin tries to destroy museums and cultural institutions, in order to re-write history, according to the Ruscist vision and the Russian World ideology. But art and culture can undo this disinformation, as it is the “material evidence of the existence of a culture” (The Canvas 2022, 4:34).

    One such attack on Ukrainian cultural institutions came in February 2022, when Russian bombing targeted a museum near Kyiv that housed the works of a celebrated Ukrainian folk artist, Mariia Prymachenko. As the building was engulfed in flames, a local man ran inside to save some of the art and managed to save 10 pieces (The Canvas 2022). Putin and Ruscists tried to destroy Prymachenko’s art because art has the power to embody a culture.

    The ideology behind the war is the denial of Ukrainian national identity. Subsequently through violent methods “all symbols of Ukrainian statehood have been methodically removed [in occupied territories] and a new Russian imperial identity imposed on the civilian population” (Dickinson 2022). Any manifestation of Ukrainian cultural identity is thus a rejection of the Ruscist ideology. Ukrainian art and culture are embodiments of resistance, in that their very existence represents a denial of Putin’s claim that Ukraine as a nation does not exist. This is why that man ran into the museum to save the art. Because the very existence of this artwork is an embodiment of defiance of Ruscist ideology. Mariia Prymachenko’s uniquely Ukrainian art is a testament to the very existence of Ukraine.

    The man who was willing to risk his life to save the art of Mariia Prymachenko did so for the resistance of Ukraine. Because art is more than just oil on canvas; it is culture. And in this fight against cultural cleansing, the disposition of art is itself an act of defiance.

    Lithuania

    The skyline in Lithuania has been transformed since the war; you cannot escape its impact. Lithuanians take the symbolic fight to Putin, and the messages of solidarity make me feel inspired. But I strongly feel Lithuanian artistic activism is something we should emulate.

    Lithuania’s public activism has become a weapon of information, trying to directly combat the narrative pushed by Moscow. Vilnius tries to dispel the falsified Russian propaganda. One striking example of this is the huge billboard on a skyscraper testifying ‘Putin, the Hague is waiting for you.’ Long before any international court sentenced Putin, Lithuanians were making their feelings known about the culturicide in Ukraine.

    Or another example is 1K fund, a private, 100% volunteer-driven activist group. Their mission statement says:

    “Our third field of interest is information warfare. We conduct public relations campaigns that combat Russian misinformation and help us gather donations for the fund.” (1Kfund.org)

    Lithuanians are directly contradicting the disinformation disseminated in Russia. They are providing as much sport as possible for the defence of Ukraine in the name of the defence against fascism. Through cultural and artistic activities in public spaces, Lithuanians are taking the fight on information to the Russians. They do not sit idly by but take a firm anti-fascist narrative.

    A second key feature of Lithuanian pro-Ukraine activism is unwavering solidarity. With the constant presence of activism, Lithuanian public society clearly signals its support and determination to help. This has many positive impacts. For example, it provides space for public grieving and trauma recognition. It increases awareness and boosts dialogue. It can even begin to humanise the conflict. But most of all, it provides hope through solidarity.

    Furthermore, I believe that this solidarity has a positive impact on donation for support through grass-roots fundraisers and public events. Lithuania has one of the highest ratios of GDP to donation to Ukraine ratio in the world (Statista Research Department 2023) and is often linked to cultural and artistic movements like Radarom that provide Ukraine with vital equipment. I have found that the omnipresence of Ukrainian symbolism boosts a sentiment of solidarity, but also seems to be helping with vital contributions.

    A final valuable part of Lithuanian artistic activism is how it is producing Ukrainian culture and expression. Since the war, many Ukrainians have fled to Lithuania, and this is producing a vibrant diaspora. By providing a space for this cultural expression, Lithuania helps Ukrainians abroad live their nationhood, and in a sense, embody resistance against Ruscism.

    These intercultural projects among Ukrainians in Lithuania represent the embodiment of the resistance to the Ruscist ideology. By producing Ukrainian culture, you defy the claim that Ukrainian culture does not exist. It is through the display and the creation of new and old symbols of Ukrainian culture and resistance that art becomes a weapon in this war.

    Kazakhstan and Ukraine

    By contrast, public spaces in Kazakhstan almost never exhibit public symbols of solidarity. During my four months in the cultural capital, I saw one Ukrainian flag. There is an atmosphere of wilful blindness, of solicited ignorance. While there are some interactions with Ukraine on a state level, there is almost a complete lack of ostensive pro-Ukraine artistic culture. This section focuses on this neutrality in the face of culturicide in Ukraine.

    My first point about art in war, concerns documentation. In Kazakhstan, the absence of interaction with the war in Ukraine means that Russian media has increased power among the populace in Kazakhstan. Consequently, the Ruscist narrative on the war has a greater impact on society.

    During my conversations and interactions, I have noticed a disturbing reluctance to even mention the war. When I have mentioned it, I feel like I tripped a mine. Fear of upsetting others, a perception of being unable to understand complex political issues and feeling too uneducated are recurring excuses that seem to stifle public debate surrounding the war and Ukraine. This pervasive tradition of silence, perhaps in part due to the generations of Soviet oppression and the subsequent suppressive effect on political engagement (Zhukov 2018), means that politics seems to occur around people. Kazakh society seems to allow Moscow to control the political narratives.

    Indicatively, people tend to use delicate language to describe the war, such as “circumstances” or “situation.” Even my university professors called it a “military operation.” This kind of delicate language, stemming from a neutral position, tends to avoid explicit claims about the war, because it is essentially silence. But that silence plays into the hands of Russia, because not only does it fail to recognise the culturicide occurring, but because of the continued influence of Russian media in Kazakhstan today. Moscow’s pro-war narrative has a pervasive effect on public opinion, especially among Russian speakers (Kumenov 2022), who constitute around 95% of the population. This evidence suggests that by staying neutral, Kazakhstan is vulnerable to the fascist ideology pushed by Russia. Thus, we can see how the official line of neutrality has dangerous consequences in Kazakhstan. Through this passivity, Astana allows Moscow to put their lens on current affairs, and the silence of their neutrality creates an eerie indifference towards the war crimes in Ukraine.

    Secondly, the general reluctance to anger Russia means that Kazakhstan’s neutrality allows for the Russian war economy to continue to fire, which could endanger Western support. And this has a damaging effect on hope. Kazakh society has an understandable fear of Russian aggression. The relationship between Astana and Moscow is deep and complicated, and the centuries of history mean their peoples are close, with Astana very much at the whim of Putin. This I have found evidence of during my interviews and discussions with Kazakh people here in Almaty. There is an understandable motivation behind this since Kazakhstan is economically dependent on Russia, does not benefit from the security of NATO, and has received threats from their former colonial overlord. This fear promotes a policy of placating their northern neighbour.

    The policy of placating by staying neutral benefits Russia because it allows for the continued mechanisation of the post-soviet integrated economy. This could endanger long-term Western support for Ukraine because the economic cost of such support is growing in the face of an ever-operative Russian war machine. Operative in part thanks to ‘neutral’ states enabling the evasion of sanctions (Burna-Asefi 2022). What this means, then, is that the war will draw on. Ukraine will liberate all of its territories, but the question is when, and at what cost. As long as Kazakhstan and other nations stay silent, they prolong the bloodshed.

    Finally, by ignoring culturicide, Kazakh society has a tendency to legitimise the destruction of national identity in Ukraine. I say this because the indifference towards the destruction of another, while deeply treasuring one’s own culture, implicitly makes a value judgement on these two different cultures. I think Kazakhstan can be described as a fairly nationalistic and patriotic country. There is no shortage of flags here, and people are rightfully proud of their identity. But for Ukraine, there are no flags, no symbols of solidarity, despite the fact that the evidence of the destruction of Ukrainian culture and nationhood is widespread (Dickinson 2022). Yet, many in Kazakhstan refuse to publicly criticise this; according to a poll in November 2022, 95% of respondents claims to be neutral to the war (Dumoulin 2023). This is seen in the lack of symbolism of solidarity for Ukraine through artistic expression in public spaces.

    Kazakhstan’s passionate nationalism and pride of its own culture, while silently witnessing the destruction of another, implies a lack of egality between these cultures. This norm of favouring one culture while ignoring the extermination of another culture creates a dangerous precedent of value judgement toward the ‘cultural other.’ It is by ignoring the culturicide, while propagating your own nationalism, that you normalise the destruction of what could only be, according to this logic, a lesser culture.

    To conclude my findings on Kazakhstan, I have identified that on the superficial level, the society generally forms a neutral perception. I had an interesting conversation with a taxi driver, and in response to my asking why there are no flags of Ukraine here, he stated that the Kazakh people are vehemently against the war. And I believe him. But my point is that the surface paints a different picture. The streets seem silent in the face of culturicide in Ukraine.

    Conclusion

    It is easy during a violent conflict to ignore the value of non-violent resistance, especially when what Ukraine needs most is military and material equipment. But the importance of solidarity should not be forgotten.

    I have tried to illustrate one difference that I have found during my year abroad, and the disturbing effects of the war in Ukraine. Kazakhstan and Lithuania are, of course, wildly different societies, and I would not suggest that Lithuanians are in any way inherently better than Kazakh people. And as I have stated, I am aware that Kazakh people support Ukraine in the conflict. It is true that neutrality and solidarity towards culturicide are not opposites. Meanwhile, the difference between neutrality and solidarity should not be understated. One of the problems of this neutrality is that it enables the continuation of Russian fascism.

    Aimé Césaire, writing about Imperialism and Colonialism in the 20th century, argued that those who passively allow for the bureaucratic machine to continue, are responsible in part for the violence done (Césaire 1972, 54). This is because this system of exploitation and fascism required a hoard of unquestioning and obedient civil servants to keep the wheels turning. While Ruscism and European Colonialism are a far cry from one another, it is through this same mechanism of the obedient or ‘neutral’ performance of functions that the violence continues. As one Ukrainian respondent wrote, there is no such thing as neutrality; you cannot hide in the shadows. And this is necessary for any of the intersections of fascism. Silence is violence.

    If you want to donate, use the following link: https://stipruskartu.lt/.

    Слава Україні!

    Bibliography

    Burna-Asefi, Sophia Nina. 2023. “Just Passing Through: Kazakhstan’s Parallel Trade Predicament.” The Diplomat. 27th February 2023. https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/just-passing-through-kazakhstans-parallel-trade-predicament/

    Césaire, Aimé. [1950] 1972. Discourse on Colonialism. Joan Pinkham (trans.). New York: Monthly Review Press.

    Dickinson, Peter. 2022. “Vladimir Putin’s Ukrainian Genocide: Nobody can claim they did not know”. 1st December 2022. Washington, US: Atlantic Council. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/vladimir-putins-ukrainian-genocide-nobody-can-claim-they-did-not-know/.

    Dumoulin, Marie. 2023. “Steppe Change: How Russia’s War on Ukraine is Reshaping Kazakhstan.” European Council on Foreign Relations. https://ecfr.eu/publication/steppe-change-how-russias-war-on-ukraine-is-reshaping-kazakhstan/.

    Kumenov, Almaz. 2022. “Kazakhstan: Survey finds solid support for Russia, but mostly among Russian speakers.” Eurasianet. New York: Harriman Institute. https://eurasianet.org/kazakhstan-survey-finds-solid-support-for-russia-but-mostly-among-russian-speakers.

    Putin, Vladimir. 2022. “Here’s the Full Translation of Vladimir Putin’s Victory Day Speech.” Bloomberg News. 9th May 2022. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-05-09/full-transcript-here-s-russian-president-vladimir-putin-s-victory-day-speech.

    Statista Research Department. 2023. “Total bilateral aid commitments to Ukraine as a percentage of donor gross domestic product (GDP) between January 24, 2022 and January 15, 2023, by country.” 23rd February 2023. https://www.statista.com/statistics/1303450/bilateral-aid-to-ukraine-in-a-percent-of-donor-gdp/.

    The Canvas. 2022. “Maria Prymachenko, Ukraine & Art as a Factor in War.” YouTube Video. Uploaded 18th March 2022. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1unsnhztCW8&ab_channel=TheCanvas.

    Zhukov, Yuri M. and Roya Talibova. 2018. “Stalins Terror and the Long-Term Effects of Mass Repression.” In Journal of Peace Research: 55, 2: 267-283. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Ltd.

    1Kfund.org. 2023. “About 1K Fund.” Accessed 21st May 2023. https://1kfund.org/.

    [1] This article has been written with the assistance of students and experts in Lithuania, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Russia. Most of them wish to remain anonymous. I am grateful to all of them.

  • Philosopher Abroad – Edges of Europe

    In the module ‘Edges of Europe’ students learn about the intersections of citizenship, religion and identity. During our semester together, we explored many relevant problems, including the problem of nationalism and its exclusionary and violent tendencies. This article comprises a fierce debate navigating the problems of nationalism, refugees, inclusion and exclusion which have played a key role in the module.

    Luckily, we had the support of the brilliant academics Evert van der Zweerde, Hans Schilderman, and Joud Al Korani, also specialising as our cartographic, conceptual and gastronomic leaders, respectively. Our gratitude to them for all their hard work in making this module possible. 

    During this time, I, Charlie, was accompanied by my persistent interlocutor, Felix Hohlfeld, who has been a thorn in my side since our first year; the consistent “no” to my “yes,” the idealist to my cultural relativism, and the bright sun to my dark cave. So, when we were both accepted for Edges of Europe, honestly, I thought we were in for another series of debates between two white cishet men, which turned out to be the case. But to be perfectly honest, Felix is a fine philosopher and a worthy interlocutor. 

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